Tahrir Square: One Year Later

Tahrir Square, January 25, 2012

As an International Witness to the first and third round of the Egyptian Parliamentary elections I had an opportunity to visit Tahrir Square in later November 2o11 and again in early January 2012.


Walking into Tahrir Square on November 25, 2011

Walking amongst the protesters and meeting with them in the tents at the heart of the square to listen to their desires for the future of Egypt. Seeing their defiance in the face of the heavy military and police presence and the real danger they faced in clashes that ended with unarmed demonstrators shot to death one could admire their courage.

Despite all of this, and at the same time because of the continuing systematic denial of human rights, today January 25, 2012 tens of thousands of Egyptians took to Tahrir Square to protest continued military rule chanting slogans among them: "Egypt is a state not a barracks"; "Down with military rule!"; "Our demands are the same freedom and justice!;" and "Civilian, civilian we don't want it militaristic!"


Massive march to Tahrir, one of the largest in Egypt's history on January 25, 2012

Since the departure of Mubarak one year ago the human rights situation under the military has deteriorated. Daniel Williams from Human Rights Watch in an oped published today offers an overview of human rights in Egypt over the past year:

...Mubarak's repressive legacy has been preserved and even strengthened. SCAF rules in his place and has indicated it should remain a power behind the scenes, as it has for the 60 years since the overthrow of the country's monarchy.

Egyptians still live under the emergency law –in place since the assassination of President Anwar Sadat in 1981 – that permits bans on public assembly, indefinite detention without charge, prosecution in special courts that allow no appeal process and that are notorious for reliance on confessions obtained under torture. On Tuesday, SCAF's chieftain, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, partially lifted the 30-year state of emergency but said Egypt would continue to apply the emergency law to cases of "thuggery." Tantawi's gesture is far from sufficient. In the last year, military tribunals have convicted hundreds of peaceful protesters on charges of thuggery.

During almost a year in power, SCAF has liberally referred civilians to military courts, another practice of the Mubarak years, though under him it was reserved for so-called exceptional cases. Sometimes the magistrates have announced a verdict before a trial began.

The military has arbitrarily arrested and convicted peaceful protesters, some of whom remain imprisoned. Measures that date from Britain's early 20th century domination of Egypt ban assemblies of more than five people "that threaten the public peace."

Although by international standards, lethal force should be used only when strictly necessary to protect life, under current Egyptian law, police – who are effectively under SCAF control –possess wide scope for shooting at demonstrators. The minister of interior has broad discretion to decide on use of weapons and what warnings need be given demonstrators before firing on them. On Jan. 6, the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, an independent human rights organization, denounced a statement by the interior minister that police will get bonuses for shooting "thugs," government shorthand for demonstrators.

Police regulations are bad enough, but the actions of security forces – both police and military – have been abominable. In October, soldiers ran over demonstrators with armored cars and shot them, killing 27 marchers at a Christian rally held to protest the burning of a church. In November, at least 40 demonstrators were killed by anti-riot forces during unrest in and around Tahrir Square, the epicenter of protest. Police routinely beat demonstrators, women included. Human Rights Watch has documented torture and abuse of detainees by soldiers. Military personnel carried out abusive "virginity tests" on women in detention. Servile state media demonize opposition groups and non-governmental organizations as subversive tools of dark foreign forces.

Laws endure that make citizens vulnerable to prosecution for "insulting" speech or words "harmful" to morals or tantamount to changing the existing political order. In March, SCAF added a new wrinkle to restrictions on speech and assembly by criminalizing strikes and demonstrations "that impede public works." In April, a military court sentenced young blogger Maikel Nabil Sanad to three years in prison for "insulting the military establishment" when he criticized army rule on his blog and Facebook page. SCAF said last weekend that Nabil would be pardoned and released along with more than 1,900 other prisoners convicted in military trials. It was a gesture in advance of the Jan. 25 holiday; Nabil shouldn't have been arrested and convicted in the first place.

Harsh repression and raids on human rights organizations in Egypt continue but despite this Egyptians are unafraid. All eyes on Egypt and in solidarity with Egyptian democrats seeking to restore civilian rule after 60 years of military rule.

Mubarak's End: The military coup and the popular uprising

Tahrir Square: One year later

Hosni Mubarak's end did not end the system

Unfortunately, the rising level of violence between the military and the opposition demanding civilian rule was predictable. There was a temporary coalition with one short term goal put an end to Mubarak and his succession plan.

The end of the Mubarak era was the result of a confluence of factors and interests that created a perfect storm against the Mubarak regime. The disenchantment of the army with Mubarak’s son, Gamal Mubarak, as a successor was a main and key factor. Egyptian liberals were put off by the dynastic succession from father to son and the military refused to recognize the son of their military leader who had never served in the military.

During the January 25th Revolution it was said that the army and the people were one hand because the army had refused to fire on the people in Tahrir Square and forced Mubarak's surrender. Furthermore, that it was a combination of the mass protests and disgruntled elements in the military that pressured Mubarak to step down and his son to flee the country. Gamal had made enemies in the senior ranks of the military as he sought to have some of them purged and replaced with his own supporters.

Hosni Mubarak, at age 82, was engaged in a risky venture – a succession/transition from military dynastic rule to Mubarak dynastic rule based on blood descendents. Gamal Mubarak had never served a day in the military. Not even the basic military service required of all Egyptians. This had more in common with the preexisting political order that had been overthrown by the military.

Muhammad Ali Pasha was the first ruler since 1517 to divest the Ottoman Empire of control over Egypt and laid the groundwork for an independent Egypt. He modernized the country and along with his descendents reduced mortality rates, improved the quality of life in Egypt and the population exploded. This royal family would rule Egypt from June 18, 1805 until June 18, 1953.

On July 26, 1952 Egyptian military officers forced the abdication of Farouk I who had ruled over the country since 1936 replacing him with his infant son Fuad II. On June 18, 1953 the constitutional monarchy that had ruled over Egypt since 1805 was abolished and replaced with a republic in name and military rule in practice. It was the end of the Muhammad Ali dynasty.

Over the next 60 years Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak (all from the military) would rule Egypt: Gamar Abdel Nasser from 1956 to 1970, Anwar Sadat from 1970 until his assassination on October 6, 1981 and finally Mubarak from 1981 until he relinquished power on February 11, 2011.

A dynastic succession from a father in the military to a son who had never served a day in uniform had more in common with the previous monarchic system than with the past 60 years of Egyptian military rule. It was unpopular both with democrats and the military but for different reasons.

The demonstrators in Tahrir Square, primarily young Egyptians many of them urban, secular, liberals, social democrats, and leftists along with younger members of the Muslim brotherhood and even some Salafists objected to 30 years of Mubarak rule and its continuation under yet another Mubarak on democratic grounds. The military elite did not want to be purged to make way for Gamal Mubarak's inner circle and was also offended at having to submit to civilian oversight.

Both the demonstrators and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) were on the same page that a Mubarak succession was unacceptable but for profoundly different reasons. In the span of 18 days a 30 years long Mubarak regime was swept away. However, the stark reality is that the military dictatorship that has ruled Egypt since 1952 remains intact and in power.

The continuing conflict between the military and the civilian demonstrators, which includes the Islamists is over the end of military rule in favor of civilian rule that has oversight over the military. The military wants civilian rule to take responsibility for the economy and social services while maintaining its own perks and privileges.

However, that does not detract from the fact of the matter was that in the matter of stopping the Mubarak succession plan the people and the army were on the same page but for entirely different reasons. It is also why the downfall of the Mubarak regime had the characteristics of both a popular uprising and a military coup.

Unfortunately, with the end of the Mubarak dynasty most of the millions of Egyptians that had taken to the streets returned home leaving behind a smaller but determined group of revolutionaries that would occupy Tahrir Squares and other key squares throughout Egypt. The parliamentary elections, although not guaranteeing civilian rule with oversight of the military, further satisfied the public desire for normality and further isolated the liberals and secularists while empowering the Islamic parties.

It is an outcome that benefits the military that will now be viewed as the last line between a secular Egypt and an Islamic theocracy to the international community. This would also explain the calculated raids on human rights organizations and increased violence and repression against activists in Tahrir Square.


Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies on the raids against NGOs in Egypt

The military controls the institutions of government and has superior fire power but the violence committed against activists in Tahrir and raids against non-governmental organizations throughout Egypt endangers its legitimacy with Egyptians. As Gandhi once observed: "The spirit of democracy cannot be imposed from without. It has to come from within." The power of the powerless can wash away the military with nonviolence and civil disobedience as effectively as long ago the Red Sea swept away Pharaoh's army.

There is much work yet to do to achieve a free and democratic Egypt but the good news is that it is an obtainable goal. Courageous Egyptians have demonstrated over the past half century and with great passion over the past year the necessary toughness and discipline in resisting military rule.

My prayers and solidarity with the people of Egypt in achieving freedom and the rule of law in their country.

Scenes and Sounds from Tahrir Square

The Egyptian Revolution 2.0

Tahrir Square

Before walking into the Square you had to pass through a security checkpoint that searched your bags and checked identification. The organizers of the demonstration have set up internal policing mechanisms in an effort to maintain some level of order in Tahrir Square.

Checkpoint prior to entering Tahrir Square

Walking into the square surrounded by hundreds of thousands of Egyptians engaged in discussion and debate about the future of their country.

Walking into Tahrir Square after passing through the checkpoint fireworks overhead

Banners, posters with images of martyrs, prisoners and slogans abound. At the same time merchants selling food, juice, popcorn, gas masks and more. For example, balloons imitating the “I Love NY” campaign replacing NY with Egypt raised the ire of some of the activists who exclaimed: “People are being killed just a few feet away from these guys selling balloons.” Its all a bit surreal.

International observers inside one of the tents in the center of Tahrir Square listen to an Egyptian activist

Fireworks exploding overhead and families walking through Tahrir Square with their children. There is a festive air in the Square as one approaches the tents at the center.

The nerve center of the Tahrir Square protests were organizers and politicians gather to talk. Food and banana juice are passed around the tent. Introductions are made and international visitors get a briefing on what is going on.

On Friday night between the Parliament building and the Prime Minister's office demonstrators set up their tents and expanded the demonstration. Chanting anti-military slogans and calling for the transfer of military rule to civilian rule.

At any moment shots can ring out and chaos ensues. Usually it happens late at night but on Saturday it happened in the morning, but this time a young demonstrator was run over. Also outside of the Square the situation is also dangerous. During the first phase of the revolution in January, elements in the population seized weapons caches from the police. Now in many parts of Cairo shoot outs can take place at any time over a theft or an argument.



Demonstration and occupation of street between Parliament building and Prime Minister's office

Their is great skepticism among many about the Parliamentary elections beginning on Monday. There have been a lot of last minute changes in electoral rules and procedures and as of Sunday night many questions still remain on how it will be run. At the same time news that supporters of different candidates got into shoot out raises deep concerns about how peaceful the elections will be.