Showing posts with label military junta. Show all posts
Showing posts with label military junta. Show all posts

Friday, January 13, 2012

Mubarak's End: The military coup and the popular uprising

Tahrir Square: One year later

Hosni Mubarak's end did not end the system

Unfortunately, the rising level of violence between the military and the opposition demanding civilian rule was predictable. There was a temporary coalition with one short term goal put an end to Mubarak and his succession plan.

The end of the Mubarak era was the result of a confluence of factors and interests that created a perfect storm against the Mubarak regime. The disenchantment of the army with Mubarak’s son, Gamal Mubarak, as a successor was a main and key factor. Egyptian liberals were put off by the dynastic succession from father to son and the military refused to recognize the son of their military leader who had never served in the military.

During the January 25th Revolution it was said that the army and the people were one hand because the army had refused to fire on the people in Tahrir Square and forced Mubarak's surrender. Furthermore, that it was a combination of the mass protests and disgruntled elements in the military that pressured Mubarak to step down and his son to flee the country. Gamal had made enemies in the senior ranks of the military as he sought to have some of them purged and replaced with his own supporters.

Hosni Mubarak, at age 82, was engaged in a risky venture – a succession/transition from military dynastic rule to Mubarak dynastic rule based on blood descendents. Gamal Mubarak had never served a day in the military. Not even the basic military service required of all Egyptians. This had more in common with the preexisting political order that had been overthrown by the military.

Muhammad Ali Pasha was the first ruler since 1517
to divest the Ottoman Empire of control over Egypt and laid the groundwork for an independent Egypt. He modernized the country and along with his descendents reduced mortality rates, improved the quality of life in Egypt and the population exploded. This royal family would rule Egypt from June 18, 1805 until June 18, 1953.

On July 26, 1952 Egyptian military officers forced the abdication of Farouk I who had ruled over the country since 1936 replacing him with his infant son Fuad II. On June 18, 1953 the constitutional monarchy that had ruled over Egypt since 1805 was abolished and replaced with a republic in name and military rule in practice. It was the end of the Muhammad Ali dynasty.

Over the next 60 years Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak (all from the military) would rule Egypt: Gamar Abdel Nasser from 1956 to 1970, Anwar Sadat from 1970 until his assassination on October 6, 1981 and finally Mubarak from 1981 until he relinquished power on February 11, 2011.

A dynastic succession from a father in the military to a son who had never served a day in uniform had more in common with the previous monarchic system than with the past 60 years of Egyptian military rule. It was unpopular both with democrats and the military but for different reasons.

The demonstrators in Tahrir Square, primarily young Egyptians many of them urban, secular, liberals, social democrats, and leftists along with younger members of the Muslim brotherhood and even some Salafists objected to 30 years of Mubarak rule and its continuation under yet another Mubarak on democratic grounds. The military elite did not want to be purged to make way for Gamal Mubarak's inner circle and was also offended at having to submit to civilian oversight.

Both the demonstrators and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) were on the same page that a Mubarak succession was unacceptable but for profoundly different reasons. In the span of 18 days a 30 years long Mubarak regime was swept away. However, the stark reality is that the military dictatorship that has ruled Egypt since 1952 remains intact and in power.

The continuing conflict between the military and the civilian demonstrators, which includes the Islamists is over the end of military rule in favor of civilian rule that has oversight over the military. The military wants civilian rule to take responsibility for the economy and social services while maintaining its own perks and privileges.

However, that does not detract from the fact of the matter was that in the matter of stopping the Mubarak succession plan the people and the army were on the same page but for entirely different reasons. It is also why the downfall of the Mubarak regime had the characteristics of both a popular uprising and a military coup.

Unfortunately, with the end of the Mubarak dynasty most of the millions of Egyptians that had taken to the streets returned home leaving behind a smaller but determined group of revolutionaries that would occupy Tahrir Squares and other key squares throughout Egypt. The parliamentary elections, although not guaranteeing civilian rule with oversight of the military, further satisfied the public desire for normality and further isolated the liberals and secularists while empowering the Islamic parties.

It is an outcome that benefits the military that will now be viewed as the last line between a secular Egypt and an Islamic theocracy to the international community. This would also explain the calculated raids on human rights organizations and increased violence and repression against activists in Tahrir Square.


Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies on the raids against NGOs in Egypt

The military controls the institutions of government and has superior fire power but the violence committed against activists in Tahrir and raids against non-governmental organizations throughout Egypt endangers its legitimacy with Egyptians. As Gandhi once observed: "The spirit of democracy cannot be imposed from without. It has to come from within." The power of the powerless can wash away the military with nonviolence and civil disobedience as effectively as long ago the Red Sea swept away Pharaoh's army.

There is much work yet to do to achieve a free and democratic Egypt but the good news is that it is an obtainable goal. Courageous Egyptians have demonstrated over the past half century and with great passion over the past year the necessary toughness and discipline in resisting military rule.

My prayers and solidarity with the people of Egypt in achieving freedom and the rule of law in their country.

Tuesday, December 28, 2010

Fidel Castro, the Argentine Military Junta and the Dirty War

“They say, 'means are, after all, means'. I would say, 'means are, after all, everything'. As the means so the end.” - Mohandas Gandhi

Justice has arrived for General Jorge Videla, the former de facto head of Argentina from 1976 to 1981, was sentenced to life in prison on December 22, 2010 for being "criminally responsible" for the torture and deaths of 31 prisoners in Cordoba. The world is again looking at the events during Argentina's "Dirty War" and the Cuban regime's complicated involvement bears closer examination.



The current Cuban government in power since 1959 has a long history of supporting urban guerrilla movements and training terrorists. The Heritage Foundation in its Backgrounder #289 "The Castro Doctrine Makes Gains" described the regime's efforts in Argentina:
Throughout the 1970s, Cuba provided training and tactical advice to Argentina's two most powerful terrorist groups: the Montoneros and the Peoples' Revolutionary Army (ERP At one time Cuba used its Buenos Aires embassy to maintain direct contact with those groups. When the Argentine government decisively suppressed the two groups in 1978, Cuba permitted Montoneros to establish headquarters (and later, intelligence facilities, labor union organizational apparatus, and top command facilities) on Cuban soil.

From there, Montoneros groups are sent to infiltrate Argentina and to participate in Internationalist brigades," such as those that fought with the Sandinista guerrillas. Argentina is the home base of the Junta de Coordinación Revolucionaria (JCR) founded in February 1974 to coordinate the activities of guerrilla movements in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay and Bolivia. The JCR was disbanded in 1977 but reactivated in the summer of 1979 following the Sandinista victory in Nicaragua.

None of the above should surprise anyone with a basic knowledge of the Cuban revolution and its ideological underpinnings and the 1966 Tricontinental meeting in Havana. However, there is another side to the Cuban government's relationship with Argentina that does offer surprises

On the picture on the right is Fidel Castro with Argentine foreign minister Nicanor Costa Mendez, one of the planners of the Falkland's invasion, of the Argentine military junta that extra-judicially executed and disappeared as many as 30,000 Argentinians between 1976 and 1983 in the Dirty War meeting in Havana at the Non-Aligned Movement gathering. He died of lung cancer on August 3, 1992.



That is not the only member of the junta that Castro commiserated with because he was also photographed here on the left with "President"
Reynaldo Benito Antonio Bignone Ramayón who, like Fidel Castro then and Raul Castro today , was"President" in name only, but in reality a brutal military dictator between 1982 and 1983. On April 20, 2010, he was sentenced to 25 years in prison for the kidnapping, torture, and murder of 56 people in a concentration camp.

Whereas groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International sought to expose the Dirty War and stop it and to later document the crimes committed and along with the victims demand justice
the Cuban government did everything at the time to block efforts to investigate the disappearances from their perch at the United Nations Human Rights Commission.

This leads to the obvious question: Why? There appear to be two answers and both involve Jimmy Carter. In December of 1979 when the Soviet Union launched a large scale invasion of Afghanistan, President Jimmy Carter responded with boycotting the 1980 Olympics in Moscow and a grain embargo. Secondly, one of the hallmarks of the Carter Presidency was to focus on human rights as a foreign policy priority. The United States went after gross human rights abusers, including strategic allies, such as Somoza in Nicaragua; Pinochet in Chile; and the Military Junta in Argentina.

This combination of factors led to the Military Junta in Argentina breaking the U.S. grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980 and becoming close trade partners with the Soviet Union. At the same time a human rights focus did not play into the interests of the Cuban government because it systematically violates human rights. The condemnation of the military junta in Argentina for gross human rights violations would soon lead to the condemnation of the Cuban communist regime for its own gross human rights violations. This led to Fidel Castro and the Cuban regime backing the military junta in international forums like the United Nations Human Rights Commission and inviting members of the military junta to Havana to drink champagne with Fidel Castro.

The same Cuban regime that trained and placed urban guerrillas in Argentina creating the conditions that led to the existence of the military junta then forged an unusual alliance with it to the detriment of the very people it had trained.

Sunday, August 8, 2010

Amnesty International says: "Stand with the people of Burma"

Demand their three freedoms be recognized and respected:

1. Expression
2. Peaceful Assembly
3. Association

Students demonstrating in Burma on 8/8/88

Amnesty International has launched a letter writing campaign demanding that the above three freedoms be given to the people of Burma (Myanmar) on the 22nd anniversary of the August 8, 1988 (8/8/88) nonviolent uprising against the military junta that has terrorized Burma since 1962 and that brutally and bloodily crushed it killing thousands and imprisoning thousands more. Please sign and send the letter electronically it will only take a moment of your time.



The video above is a music video with images of the August 8, 1988 uprising and subsequent crackdown. Another documentary short from Journeyman pictures Beyond Rangoon - Burma offers an excellent overview of what is going on. French singer Jane Birkin offers a powerful indictment of what is happening in Burma and the world's indifference:



The embedded video below is the first part of a 1996 five part documentary Burma - Land of Fear by John Pilger exposing the brutal nature of the military junta in Burma.




Please sign the letter located at http://3freedoms.amnesty.org/ and use your freedom to help the people of Burma. Takes less than a minute.



"Please use your freedom to promote ours." - Aung San Suu Kyi, prisoner of conscience since 1990