"The first victory we can claim is that our hearts are free of hatred. Hence we say to those who persecute us and who try to dominate us: ‘You are my brother. I do not hate you, but you are not going to dominate me by fear. I do not wish to impose my truth, nor do I wish you to impose yours on me. We are going to seek the truth together’. THIS IS THE LIBERATION WHICH WE ARE PROCLAIMING."
Oswaldo José Payá Sardiñas (2002)
No tangible results with Raul Castro's so-called "reforms"
Elections In Cuba: The Dictatorship Lives On
Over
the past few weeks, the international press has been all eager to
inform the world that, for the first time in the history of Cuba (after
the Revolution), two candidates of the opposition, Hildebrando Chaviano
and Yuniel Lopez, stood as candidates in the election of delegates to
the Municipal Assemblies of People’s Power held on April 19. Recent thaw
in relations with the United States has brought Cuba into spotlight and
potential changes in the island’s governance toward a more democratic
model certainly seem very appealing to foreign governments and investors
from all over the world.
However,
People in Need would like to draw attention to the Cuban electoral
system, which hasn’t changed: it continues to be a hollow mechanism
whose sole purpose is to ensure continuity of the one-party system.
Despite the fact that every two years and a half there are elections
with new candidates, we mustn’t forget that the elected delegates are at
the lowest level of the strongly hierarchical system of government. As
such, they are obliged to comply with the directives from the upper
echelons of power.
There’s
no denying that any citizen can propose a candidate for a delegate to
any of the Municipal Assemblies of People’s Power in Cuba. Elected
delegates then choose the Presidents of People’s Council and these, in
turn, elect the Chairman of the Municipal Administration, who must be a
member of the Communist Party of Cuba and whose decisions are governed
by the Municipal Secretary of the Communist Party. However, none of the
candidates elected to posts at any of the levels will be able to defend
any social or economic political program: they are all supposed to work
in concert to implement the directives approved by the Communist Party,
which is, in contrary to the principle of popular sovereignty, the
actual governing power in Cuba under Article 5 of the Cuban
Constitution.
On
the other hand, it’s clear that two opposition candidates (both
standing for election in Havana) in the mass of over 27,000 official
candidates for delegates cannot, by any means, be thought to represent
the Cuban society as a whole and its desires. Rather, they can be seen
as a minor concession – an attempt to try to improve the semblance of an
electoral system in which citizens’ votes lack real value. In addition,
when the CVs of the candidates were published on April 1, 2015, those
of Chaviano and Lopez contained information that the two men were
related to “counter-revolutionary” groups. Although the Municipal
Electoral Commission had previously warned them that this word will
appear in their CVs, it wasn’t able to explain what the term
“counter-revolutionary” meant.
Another
interesting factor in the context of Cuban elections is that citizens
vote for CVs, not for political projects. They give their votes to
candidates judging on their merits, not on what they intend to do for
the community. Thus, the act of voting in Cuba is not an entitlement to
choose, but an obligation to participate in elections, which are a way
of keeping the system going. Cuban citizens have become used to the fact
that their vote has no real impact and that it cannot contribute to any
kind of change. Some of them have even lost their fear and refused to
go to the polls.
As
far as the opposition is concerned, many of its members decline to
participate in the elections because they see them as a way of
legitimization of the regime. Then there are others, such as members of
the platform known as “Candidatos por el Cambio” (“Candidates for
Change”), which seeks to promote democracy from below – from the basic
structures of State administration. These, on the other hand, believe
that the 400 votes Chaviano and Lopez obtained are like 400 blows given
to Raul Castro’s dictatorship, even though they didn’t win in the end.
In
any case, so far there haven’t been any tangible results with regard to
the reform of the electoral law. We should bear in mind that if a new
electoral law is introduced one day, the change it will produce will be
totally inadequate because free elections are impossible without freedom
of expression, association and the press, which Cuba still lacks.
Citizens can never be able to freely vote in a country where members of
the Ladies in White movement continue to be assaulted every Sunday when
marching to the Mass, a country where the graffiti artist El Sexto
remains in jail for having tried to do an artistic performance, a
country listed by the Committee to Protect Journalists as the 10th most
censored state in the world.
Elecciones en Cuba: la pervivencia de la dictadura
La
prensa internacional se ha volcado durante la últimas semanas en
mostrar al mundo cómo por primera vez en la historia de Cuba (después de
la Revolución) dos candidatos de la Oposición, Hildebrando Chaviano y
Yuniel López, se presentaban a las elecciones de delegados a las
Asambleas Municipales del Poder Popular que tuvieron lugar el pasado 19
de abril. El comienzo del deshielo entre Cuba y EEUU ha puesto a la isla
en el punto de mira, y la idea de que Cuba está cambiando hacia un
modelo de gobierno más democrático es muy atractiva para gobiernos
extranjeros e inversores de todo el mundo.
Sin
embargo, desde People in Need queremos llamar la atención sobre el
sistema electoral cubano, que continúa siendo un mecanismo hueco con el
único objetivo de asegurar la continuidad del partido único. Aunque
nuevos delegados sean propuestos y votados cada dos años y medio, no son
más que la base de un sistema fuertemente jerarquizado, y están
obligados a cumplir las directrices que les llegan desde las altas
esferas del poder.
En
Cuba, es cierto, existe la posibilidad de proponer a cualquier
ciudadano como delegado de una Asamblea Municipal del Poder Popular. Los
delegados que ganan eligen a los Presidentes de Consejo Popular y estos
a su vez al Presidente del Consejo de la Administración Municipal, este
ya miembro del Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC), cuyas decisiones están
subordinadas al Secretario Municipal del PCC. Sin embargo, ninguno de
los elegidos a los distintos niveles defenderá ningún programa político
económico y social, pues se supone que todos van a trabajar para aplicar
los Lineamientos aprobados por el PCC, que es el que dirige la nación
por encima de toda soberanía popular,según el artículo 5 de la
Constitución de Cuba.
Por
otro lado, dos candidatos de la oposición (ambos en La Habana), entre
más de 27.000 candidatos a delegados, no puede suponer en ningún caso
una cifra representativa de la sociedad cubana y sus deseos, sino más
bien una cuota marginal para intentar “lavar la cara” de un sistema
donde el voto de los ciudadanos carece de valor real. Además, el 1 de
abril de 2015, cuando se colgaron las biografías de los candidatos, en
las de Chaviano y López se especificaba que estaban relacionados con
grupos “contrarrevolucionarios”. La Comisión Electoral Municipal había
avisado previamente a los dos candidatos de que esta palabra iría en sus
biografías, pero no supieron explicarles qué significaba el término
“contrarrevolucionario”.
Otro
factor interesante de las elecciones cubanas es que los ciudadanos
votan biografías, no proyectos políticos; votan a una persona según sus
méritos, y no por lo que tenga pensado hacer por la comunidad. Así, el
acto de votar en Cuba no responde al derecho de elegir, sino a la
obligación de participar para mantener el sistema, y los ciudadanos
cubanos ya están acostumbrados a que su voto no tenga ninguna
repercusión real ni pueda generar algún tipo de cambio. Por eso, algunos
de los que van perdiendo el miedo dejan de votar.
Respecto
a los opositores, muchos se niegan a participar de las elecciones
porque las ven como una forma de legitimar el sistema. Otros, por el
contrario, como los Candidatos por el Cambio, plataforma que busca
promover la democracia desde las estructuras de base del Estado Cubano,
afirman que aunque esta vez Chaviano y López hayan perdido, los 400
votos que recibieron son 400 golpes a la dictadura de Raúl Castro.
En
todo caso, tenemos que ser muy conscientes de que por mucho que el
gobierno cambie la Ley Electoral, sería un cambio del todo insuficiente.
Sin libertad de expresión, de asociación y de prensa, como no las hay
en Cuba, no es posible que haya unas elecciones libres: no es posible
que voten con libertad los ciudadanos de un país donde las Damas de
Blanco siguen siendo agredidas cada domingo al desfilar hacia misa y
donde el grafitero El Sexto sigue en la cárcel por intentar hacer una
performance; un país que es considerado por el Comité para la Protección
de Periodistas como el el décimo país con más censura del mundo.
Blanca Reyes: Denied entry to Cuba to visit her ailing dad
Over twitter yesterday learned that the Consulate General ofCubainMadrid(Spain), refused therepresentativeof the Ladies inWhitein Europe, Blanca Reyes,an entry permitto her homelandthat shehad requestedonJuly 22, 2013 to see herfather whois 93 years old and very ill and livesintheCubancityofSanctiSpiritus. In an article published by ACI press Blanca said:
"My father is 93 years oldandis very sick. Iwanted to see himbefore he died," She said herfather told herover the phone"that he wanted totouch mebefore he died, but now they will not let mego."
According to ACI Press "theconsulate officialtold her onTuesday thatpermissionhad been 'denied'."
Cuban nationals are required to appear before a consulate and apply for permission to return to their own country even if they have a valid passport.
Between 70,000 and 300,000 Cubans are banned from returning to their homeland under arbitrary criteria set up by the dictatorship. Now regime apologists such as John McAuliff of the Fund for Reconciliation and Development claim that"Cuba now provides greater freedom of travel to virtually all of its citizens than does the U.S." Human Rights Watch in their 2013 report document that Cuban citizens still face numerous restrictions traveling not only internationally but in Cuba itself:
Reforms
to travel regulations that went into effect in January 2013 eliminate
the need for an exit visa to leave the island, which had previously been
used to deny the right to travel to people critical of the government
and their families. However, the reform establishes that the government
may restrict the right to travel on the vague grounds of “defense and
national security” or “other reasons of public interest,” which could
allow authorities to continue to deny people who express dissent the
ability to leave Cuba.
The government restricts the movement of
citizens within Cuba by enforcing a 1997 law known as Decree 217.
Designed to limit migration to Havana, the decree requires Cubans to
obtain government permission before moving to the country's capital. It
is often used to prevent dissidents traveling to Havana to attend
meetings and to harass dissidents from other parts of Cuba who live in
the capital.
In December of 2011 rumors circulated that Cubans travel rules would be loosened, but it was not until January of 2013 that dissidents long barred from traveling were able to once again travel out of the country. There is no right to travel for Cubans. New rules were set up but in a country with no rule of law the arbitrary nature of the dictatorship remains as is demonstrated in the case of Blanca Reyes who is being denied the right to return home to visit her ailing father. The Christian Liberation Movement launched a petition drive known as the Heredia Project and have gathered thousands of signatures calling on the regime to recognize the right to travel of Cubans and to demand real not fake change. In the meantime despite all the propaganda and press the regime with its diktats keeps Cuban families divided and in Blanca's case a daughter from seeing her dying father.
Prominent Cuban Exile Corporate Leaders Warn of Castro’s “Cosmetic Reforms”
Over a dozen former Fortune 500 senior executives and other multinational business leaders urge support for the Cuban pro-democracy movement and reaffirm their commitment to help the economic reconstruction of a free Cuba.
Washington, D.C. - Prominent Cuban exile business and corporate leaders released today a document entitled “Commitment to Freedom”, rejecting business ties with Cuba while the island remains under totalitarian rule. However, they are committed to helping in the reconstruction of their homeland when freedom dawns.
The signatories are former senior executives from Dow Chemical, General Mills, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Colgate-Palmolive, Bacardi, American Express Bank, PepsiCo, Warner Communications, Reynolds Metals, Continental Bank International, Martin Marietta Aluminum, Amex Nickel Corporation, as well as the head of Jazztel and other distinguished business leaders.
The signees of the document warn against the Castro regime’s deceptive campaign to secure U.S. capital infusion and bank credits, and lure some Cuban-American businessmen, without ushering in a true economic and political opening. The reforms introduced so far are mostly cosmetic, heavily-taxed and revocable, and offer no legal protection or investment return.
To neutralize the opposition, both inside Cuba and abroad, the signers assert that the regime is promoting “reconciliation”, with the apparent backing of the Catholic Church hierarchy, but only as a smokescreen to intensify repression. Peaceful human rights activists are systematically harassed and arrested.
Instead of bailing out the failed and ruthless regime, the document calls for support of the leaders of the growing pro-democracy movement in Cuba. They, and not their oppressors, should receive international recognition, financial resources and communications technology to carry out their heroic struggle.
Here is the letter:
COMMITMENT TO FREEDOM
We, the undersigned, Cuban exiles with deep roots in U.S. and international corporations, institutions and business communities, wish to convey our great concern regarding the Castro regime’s deceptive campaign aimed at securing much-needed financial resources to prolong its iron grip over the people of Cuba.
The regime is facing the severest financial crisis since the early 1990s, compounded by the possible loss of its Venezuelan life line. But instead of ushering in a true economic and political opening that would unleash the entrepreneurial skills of the Cuban people and attract foreign capital, it has only introduced non-systemic, heavily-taxed, revocable reforms with no legal protection or investment return. To stay afloat, the regime is pursuing a three-pronged strategy:
First, it is trying to induce the U.S. to lift or further weaken the embargo to funnel tourist dollars and bank credits to the bankrupt island--a bailout under the guise of constructive engagement.
Second, it has apparently enlisted the support of the Catholic Church hierarchy in Cuba to promote “reconciliation” under the current totalitarian system, while continuing to hound, beat and arrest peaceful opponents and human rights activists across the island.
Third, it is seeking to divide and neutralize the Cuban-American community, and lure some of its businessmen, by selling the fallacious concept that there is no solution to Cuba’s predicament other than supporting cosmetic reforms without liberty and democracy.
We reject that outrageous proposition, since for us, and for most Cuban-Americans, there is no substitute for freedom. We believe that, absent the dismantling of the totalitarian apparatus on the island, along with the unconditional release of all political prisoners and the restoration of fundamental human rights, there should be no U.S. unilateral concessions to the Castro regime.
The future of the island-nation lies not with the current failed, octogenarian rulers, but with the leaders of the growing pro-democracy movement. They, and not their oppressors, are worthy of receiving international recognition, financial resources and communications technology to carry out their heroic struggle.
We pledge our continued support to them--the vanguard of the emerging civil society--and look forward to helping in the reconstruction of the island where we were born, but only when the Cuban people can enjoy the blessings of freedom we cherish and they deserve.
SIGNATORIES OF “COMMITMENT TO FREEDOM”
Manuel Jorge Cutillas, Fr. Chairman and CEO, BACARDI Sergio Masvidal, Fr. Vice Chairman, AMERICAN EXPRESS BANK Enrique Falla, Fr. EVP and CFO, DOW CHEMICAL Eduardo Crews, Fr. President, Latin America, BRISTOL-MEYERS SQUIBB Emilio Alvarez-Recio, Fr. VP. Worldwide Advertising, COLGATE-PALMOLIVE Néstor Carbonell, Fr. VP International Government Affairs, PEPSICO Alberto Mestre, Fr. President, Venezuela, GENERAL MILLS Rafael de la Sierra, Fr. VP International Coordination WARNER COMMUNICATIONS (now Time Warner) Eugenio Desvernine, Fr. Senior EVP, REYNOLDS METALS José R. Bou, Fr. VP Primary Products Operation, MARTIN MARIETTA ALUMINUM Alberto Luzárraga, Fr. Chairman, CONTINENTAL BANK INTERNATIONAL Remedios Diaz-Oliver, Fr. Director of U.S. WEST and BARNETT BANK Leopoldo Fernández-Pujals, Chairman JAZZTEL; Founder of TELEPIZZA Jorge Blanco, Fr. President & CEO, AMEX NICKEL CORPORATION. Carlos Gutierrez, Fr. U.S. SECRETARY OF COMMERCE Mel Martinez, Fr. U.S. SECRETARY OF HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Chinese Dissident, Nobel Laureate and Prisoner of Conscience serving an 11 year sentence for exercising free expression
"China's political reform [...] should be gradual, peaceful, orderly and controllable and should be interactive, from above to below and from below to above. This way causes the least cost and leads to the most effective result." -Liu Xiaobo
Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and suppress truth. -Liu Xiaobo, From his final statement I Have No Enemies
Below is an English translation of the document that so terrified the Chinese dictatorship that it imprisoned Liu Xiaobo, a co-author of the document. Please read it and let others know about it as well. Its cost this man an 11 year prison sentence for engaging in free expression.
A group of 303 Chinese writers, intellectuals, lawyers, journalists, retired Party officials, workers, peasants, and businessmen have issued an open letter -- the "Charter 08" -- calling for legal reforms, democracy and protection of human rights in China. An English translation of the Charter by Human Rights in China is below.
"Charter 08"
Preamble
This year is the 100th year of China’s Constitution, the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the birth of the Democracy Wall, and the 10th year since China signed the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. After experiencing a prolonged period of human rights disasters and a tortuous struggle and resistance, the awakening Chinese citizens are increasingly and more clearly recognizing that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal common values shared by all humankind, and that democracy, a republic, and constitutionalism constitute the basic structural framework of modern governance. A “modernization” bereft of these universal values and this basic political framework is a disastrous process that deprives humans of their rights, corrodes human nature, and destroys human dignity. Where will China head in the 21st century? Continue a “modernization” under this kind of authoritarian rule? Or recognize universal values, assimilate into the mainstream civilization, and build a democratic political system? This is a major decision that cannot be avoided.
The monumental historic transformation in the mid-19th century exposed the decay of the traditional Chinese despotic system and ushered in the most “unprecedented and cataclysmic change in several thousands of years” in all of China. The Self-strengthening Movement (c 1861-1894) sought the improvement of China’s technical capacity. The defeat in the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) once more exposed the anachronism of the political system. The Hundred Day Reform touched upon institutional innovations, but was a failure in the end because of the cruel suppression of the die-hard clique. On the surface, the Xinhai Revolution (1911) buried the imperial system that had lasted for more than 2,000 years and established Asia’s first republic. But, limited by the historical factors determined by internal trouble and external aggression, the republican political system lasted only for an instant, and despotism quickly returned.
The failure of imitating mechanical innovation and institutional renewal prompted deep reflection among the people of the nation on the roots of this cultural sickness, which resulted in the “May 4” new culture movement under the banner of “science and democracy.” Because of frequent civil wars and invasions by external enemies, the course of China’s political democratization was forced to stop. The course of a constitutional government was initiated again after the victory in the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), but the result of the civil war between the Kuomintang (the Nationalist Party) and the Communist Party caused China to sink into the abyss of the totalitarianism of the modern era. The “New China” established in 1949 is a “people’s republic” in name only. In fact, it is under the “Party’s dominion.” The ruling power monopolizes all the political, economic and social resources. It created a string of human rights catastrophes such as the Anti-Rightist Campaign, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, June 4, and attacks on non-governmental religious activities and on the rights defense movement, causing tens of millions of deaths, and exacted a disastrous price on the people and the country.
The “reform and opening up” of the late 20th century extricated China from the pervasive poverty and absolute power in the Mao Zedong era, and substantially increased private wealth and the standard of living of the masses. Individual economic freedom and social privileges were partially restored, a civil society began to grow, and the calls for human rights and political freedom among the people increased by the day. Those in power, as they were implementing economic reforms aimed at marketization and privatization, also began to move from a position of rejecting human rights to one of gradually recognizing them. In 1997 and 1998, the Chinese government signed two important international human rights treaties. In 2004, the National People’s Congress amended the Constitution to include language to “respect and safeguard human rights.” And this year, [the government] has promised to formulate and implement a “National Human Rights Action Plan.” However, this political progress stops at the paper stage.
There are laws but there is no rule of law. There is a constitution but no constitutional governance. And there is still the political reality that is obvious for all to see. The power bloc continues to insist on maintaining the authoritarian regime, rejecting political reform. This has caused corruption in officialdom, difficulty in establishing rule of law, and no protection of human rights, the loss of ethics, the polarization of society, warped economic development, damages in the natural and human environments, no systematic protection of the rights to property and the pursuit of happiness, the accumulation of countless social conflicts, and the continuous rise of resentment. In particular, the intensification of hostility between government officials and the ordinary people, and the dramatic rise of mass incidents, illustrate a catastrophic loss of control in the making, and the anachronism of the current system has reached a point where change must occur.
II. Our Fundamental Concepts
At this historical juncture of the future destiny of China, it is necessary to rethink the last 100 years of modernization and reaffirm the following concepts:
Freedom: Freedom is at the core of universal values. The rights of speech, publication, belief, assembly, association, movement, and to demonstrate are all the concrete realizations of freedom. If freedom is not flourishing, then there is no modern civilization of which to speak.
Human Rights: Human rights are not bestowed by the state, but are rights that each person is born with and enjoys. To ensure human rights must be the foundation of the first objective of government and lawful public authority, and is also the inherent demand of “putting people first.” The past political calamities of China are all closely related to the disregard of human rights by the ruling authorities.
Equality: Each individual, regardless of social status, occupation, gender, economic situation, ethnic group, skin color, religion, or political belief, is equal in human dignity and freedom. The principle of equality before the law and a citizen’s society must be implemented; the principle of equality of economic, cultural, and political rights must be implemented.
Republicanism: Republicanism is “governing together; living peacefully together,” □ that is, the decentralization of power and balancing of interests, that is comprised of diverse interests, different social groups, pluralistic culture and groups seeking religious belief, on the foundation of equal participation, peaceful competition, public discussion, and peaceful handling of public affairs.
Democracy: The most basic meaning is that sovereignty resides in the people and the people elect government. Democracy has the following basic characteristics: (1) the legitimacy of government comes from the people, the source of government power is the people; (2) government must be chosen by the people; (3) citizens enjoy the right to vote, important civil servants and officials of all levels should be produced through elections at fixed times; (4) the decisions of the majority must be respected while protecting the basic rights of the minority. In a word, democracy will become the modern tool for making government one “from the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutionalism: Constitutionalism is the principle of protecting basic constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms and rights of citizens through law and a rule of law, delimiting the boundaries of government power and actions, and providing corresponding systemic capacity.
In China, the era of imperial power has long passed and will not return; in the world, authoritarian systems are approaching the dusk of their endings. The only fundamental way out for China: citizens should become the true masters of the nation, throw off the consciousness of reliance on a wise ruler or honest and upright official, make widely public civic consciousness of the centrality of rights and the responsibility of participation, and practice freedom, democracy, and respect for law.
III. Our basic standpoint
In line with a responsible and constructive citizens’ spirit towards the country’s political system, civil rights and various aspects of social development, we put forward the following specific standpoints:
1. Amend the Constitution: Based on the aforementioned values and concepts, amend the Constitution, abolishing the provisions in the current Constitution that are not in conformity with the principle that sovereignty resides in the people so that the Constitution can truly become a document for guaranteeing human rights and [appropriate use of] public power. The Constitution should be the implementable supreme law that any individual, group or party shall not violate, and lay the legal foundation for the democratization of China.
2. Separation and balance of power: A modern government that separates, checks and keeps balance among powers guarantees the separation of legislative, judicial, and administrative power. The principle of governing by laws and being a responsible Government shall be established. Over-expansion of executive power shall be prevented; the Government shall be responsible to the taxpayers; the separation, checking and keeping balance of powers between the central and local governments shall be set up; the central power authority shall be clearly defined and mandated by the Constitution, and the local governments shall be fully autonomous.
3. Democratize the lawmaking process: All levels of the legislative bodies shall be directly elected. Maintain the principles of fairness and justice in making law, and democratize the lawmaking process.
4. Independence of the judiciary: The judiciary shall be nonpartisan, free from any interference. Ensure judicial independence, and guarantee judicial fairness. Establish a Constitutional Court and a system of judicial review; maintain the authority of the Constitution. Abolish as soon as possible the Party’s Committees of Political and Legislative affairs at all levels that seriously endanger the country’s rule of law. Avoid using public tools for private objectives.
5. Public institutions should be used for the public: Realize the nationalization of the armed forces. The military shall be loyal to the Constitution and to the country. The political party organizations in the armed forces should be withdrawn. The level of military professionalism should be raised. All civil servants including the police shall remain politically neutral. Discrimination in employment of civil servants based on party preference should be eliminated and equal employment without any party preference should be adopted.
6. Protect human rights: Protection of human rights should be effectively implemented and human dignity should be safeguarded. A Commission on Human Rights shall be established that is responsible to the highest level of authority representing public opinion. [This Commission] will prevent government abuse of public power and violation of human rights, and especially protect the personal freedom of citizens. All persons should be be free from unlawful arrest, detention, summons, interrogation, and punishment. The system of Reeducation-Through-Labor should be abolished.
7. Election of public officials: The democratic electoral system should be fully implemented, with the realization of the equal voting right of one person one vote. Direct election of all levels of administrative heads should be institutionalized step by step. Free competition in the elections on a regular basis and citizen participation in the election of public officials are inalienable basic human rights.
8. Urban and rural equality: The current urban-rural household registration system should be repealed. The equal rights for all citizens guaranteed by the Constitution should be implemented. The freedom of movement for citizens should be protected.
9. Freedom of association: Citizens’ right to freedom of association shall be safeguarded. The current system for registration and examination before approval for civil society organizations should be changed to a registration and recording system. The ban on freely organizing political parties should be lifted. All activities of parties should be regulated by the Constitution and law. One-party monopolization of ruling privileges should be abolished. The principle of freedom of activities of political parties and fair competition should be established. The normalization of party politics and a rule by law should be realized.
10. Freedom of assembly: Peaceful assembly, protest, demonstration and freedom of expression are fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution. They should not be subject to unlawful interference and unconstitutional restrictions by the ruling party and the government.
11. Freedom of expression: The freedom of speech, freedom of the press and academic freedom should be implemented. Citizens’ right to know and to monitor supervise should be protected. A press and publication law should be promulgated. The ban on freely publishing newspapers should be lifted. The current provision of "inciting subversion of state power" in the Criminal Law should be repealed and criminal punishment for speech should be eliminated.
12. Freedom of religion: Freedom of religion and freedom of belief should be protected. Religion and politics should be separated. Religious activities should be free from government interference. All administrative regulations, administrative rules and local regulations and rules that restrict or deprive citizens’ freedom of religion should be reviewed and repealed. Management of religious activities by administrative legislature should be prohibited. The current prior approval system in which religious groups (including places of worship) must be registered before obtaining legal status should be abolished, and instead, a new record-keeping system for religious groups and their worship places should replace the current one.
13. Citizen Education: Abolish political education and examinations that are deeply ideological and serve one-party rule. Promote citizen education that encompasses universal values and civil rights, establishes civil consciousness, and promotes the civil virtue of serving society.
14. Property Protection: Establish and protect private property rights, implement a free and open market economy, protect the freedom of entrepreneurship, and eliminate administrative monopoly; set up a state-owned property management committee that is responsible to the highest legislative agency, initiate property rights reforms legally and orderly, make clear the property rights of owners and obligors, initiate a new land movement, advance land privatization, and strictly protect citizens’, in particular, farmers’, land rights.
15. Fiscal Reforms: Firmly establish democracy in finance and protect taxpayers’ rights. Build a public finance system and operational mechanisms in which powers and obligations are clear, and create a reasonable and effective division of power in finance among all levels of government; implement major reforms in the tax system to reduce the tax rate, simplify the tax system, and achieve tax equity. The administrative departments should not be allowed to increase tax or create new tax arbitrarily without a social public choice and resolutions of the legislative agencies. Pass reforms on property rights, introduce diverse market subjects and competition mechanisms, lower the market-entry threshold in banking, and create conditions for the development of privately-owned banking to energize the financial system.
16. Social Security: Build a social security system that covers all of the citizens, and provide them with fundamental protections for education, medical care, elderly care and employment.
17. Environmental Protection: Protect the ecological environment, promote sustainable development, and take up responsibility to future generations and humanity; enforce the respective responsibilities of the state and government officials of all levels; perform the function of participation and supervision by civil organizations on environmental protection.
18. Federal Republic: Participate in and maintain regional peace and development with an equal and fair attitude, and create an image of a responsible great country. Protect the free systems of Hong Kong and Macao. Under the precondition of freedom and democracy, seek a settlement resolution on cross-strait relations by way of equal negotiation and cooperative interaction. Explore possible ways and an institutional design to promote the mutual prospects of all ethnicities with great wisdom, and to establish China’s federal republic under the structure of democracy and constitutionalism.
19. Transitional Justice: Rehabilitate the reputation of and give state compensation to the victims who suffered political persecution during past political movements as well as their families; release all political prisoners, prisoners of conscience, and people who are convicted because of their beliefs; establish a truth commission to restore historical truth, to pursue accountability and to fulfill justice; seek a settlement of the society on this foundation.
IV. Conclusion
China, as a great nation of the world, one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and a member of the Human Rights Council, should contribute to peace for humankind and progress in human rights. But to people’s regret, among the great nations of the world, China, alone, still clings to an authoritarian political way of life. As a result, it has caused an unbroken chain of human rights disasters and social crises, held back the development of the Chinese people, and hindered the progress of human civilization. This situation must change! The reform of political democratization can no longer be delayed.
Because of this, we, with a civic spirit that dares to act, publish the “Charter 08.” We hope that all Chinese citizens who share this sense of crisis, responsibility and mission, without distinction between the government or the public, regardless of status, will hold back our differences to seek common ground, actively participate in this citizens’ movement, and jointly promote the great transformation of the Chinese society, so that we can establish a free, democratic and constitutional nation in the near future and fulfill the dreams that our people have pursued tirelessly for more than a hundred years.
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