"The first victory we can claim is that our hearts are free of hatred. Hence we say to those who persecute us and who try to dominate us: ‘You are my brother. I do not hate you, but you are not going to dominate me by fear. I do not wish to impose my truth, nor do I wish you to impose yours on me. We are going to seek the truth together’. THIS IS THE LIBERATION WHICH WE ARE PROCLAIMING."
Oswaldo José Payá Sardiñas (2002)
Ramiro Valdés Menéndez (1932–2026) was a Cuban revolutionary commander, one of the survivors of the Granma expedition, a key participant in the 1953 Moncada Barracks attack and the Sierra Maestra campaign, and a close associate of Fidel and Raúl Castro.
After the 1959 victory, he held senior roles including Minister of the Interior (twice: 1961–1968 and 1979–1985), founder and head of the Ministry of the Interior (MININT) and its G2 State Security apparatus, and later Vice President.
en.wikipedia.org
He died on June 21, 2026, at age 94. The Cuban dictatorship portrayed him as a loyal “Commander of the Revolution” and hero who helped build and defend the socialist state.
Critics, including Cuban exiles, dissidents, human rights observers, and outlets like Center for a Free Cuba and Diario Las Américas, describe him as one of the primary architects and enforcers of the regime’s repressive security apparatus, often using nicknames such as “El Carnicero de Artemisa” (Butcher of Artemisa), “Charco de sangre” (Pool/Puddle of Blood), and “El Verdugo de Cuba” (The Executioner/Hangman of Cuba).
He has been compared by some to Lavrentiy Beria.
cubacenter.org
Specific personal orders for individual crimes are difficult to document publicly because many actions were systemic under his command as head of intelligence and interior security.
Ramiro Valdez, Raul Castro, Fidel Castro and Mengistu Mariam
The following are the main alleged crimes and repressive activities attributed to him or carried out under his direct oversight, drawn from regime critics, former prisoners, exile accounts, and documentation of the Castro era:1. Post-Revolutionary Executions and Purges (1959 onward)Valdés was involved early in the revolutionary tribunals and security structures. He served in a leadership role (sometimes described as second-in-command or involved) at La Cabaña fortress in Havana, where numerous Batista-era officials, police, and opponents were executed by firing squad, often under Che Guevara’s oversight.
He assisted or was present during some of these executions in La Cabaña and Santa Clara. As head of the DIER (Department of Investigations of the Rebel Army), the precursor to G2, he directed repression against remaining opposition groups.
diariolasamericas.com
The broader apparatus he helped build is linked to thousands of documented firing-squad executions and extrajudicial killings in the early years of the regime (part of estimates ranging from several thousand to over 10,000+ across the Castro period, per sources like Cuba Archive and the Black Book of Communism).2. Suppression of the Escambray Insurgency (“Limpia del Escambray,” 1960s–1970s)Valdés oversaw or directed counterinsurgency operations against anti-Castro guerrillas in the Escambray Mountains. This included:
Forced displacement and relocation of thousands of peasants from their lands to “captive towns” or distant areas, separating families.
Establishment of concentration/forced-labor-style camps in the region (e.g., La Sierrita, Arroyo Blanco, El Condado).
Alleged involvement in specific atrocities, such as the La Ceiba massacre, where 19 men were reportedly executed by machine gun.
diariolasamericas.com
Government forces killed thousands of guerrillas and civilians in these operations; critics describe excesses, summary executions, and collective punishment.3. UMAP Forced Labor and Re-Education Camps (1965–1968)Valdés collaborated with the armed forces in creating and operating the Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción (UMAP) camps. An estimated ~30,000 people were sent there without judicial process, including:
Homosexuals and others targeted under “Operation of the Three Ps” (prostitutes, pimps, pederasts).
Religious believers (especially Jehovah’s Witnesses), artists, intellectuals, and perceived dissidents or “counter-revolutionaries.”
Conditions involved forced agricultural labor, psychological and physical abuse, isolation, and attempts at ideological re-education. These camps are widely condemned as sites of persecution based on sexual orientation, religion, and political views.
cubacenter.org
4. Creation and Oversight of the Totalitarian Police StateAs founder of MININT and G2 (modeled on Soviet KGB and East German Stasi practices), Valdés built and directed:
The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) — neighborhood watch committees for mass surveillance, informants, and denunciations.
Widespread arbitrary arrests (hundreds of thousands at peak times, e.g., during the Bay of Pigs invasion), prolonged political imprisonment without fair trials, and harsh prison conditions.
Interrogation and torture methods, including beatings, electroshock, prolonged isolation, temperature extremes, “truth serum” (sodium pentothal), and other psychological tactics. Critics also allege plans to plant explosives in prisons (e.g., Isla de Pinos) to suppress potential uprisings.
diariolasamericas.com
The system he institutionalized is blamed for a large share of the regime’s political repression, contributing to estimates of tens of thousands affected by executions, imprisonment, torture, or death in custody over decades.5. Export of RepressionLater in his career (including as a consultant in Venezuela around 2010), he helped train and advise security forces in allied countries, notably Venezuela under Chávez and Maduro. This included embedding Cuban G2-style methods of infiltration, interrogation, and control. He was also linked to broader Cuban support for revolutionary movements and groups abroad.
cubacenter.or
Important context: No international tribunal convicted Valdés of these acts; he died without facing formal accountability for the alleged crimes.
In summary, Valdés’ “worst crimes” are his central role in institutionalizing a totalitarian security state—through early executions, the Escambray campaign, UMAP camps, and the pervasive G2/CDR apparatus—that enabled mass political repression, persecution of minorities, and thousands of deaths or ruined lives.
A mass murdering racist, who dined with Mao as millions died of hunger is not someone to celebrate.
"All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword." - Matthew 26, 26:52
Some wish to celebrate Ernesto Guevara's birthday today. If he and his comrades had their way the world would have been subjected to a nuclear holocaust in October 1962, and they were bitterly disappointed that it did not happen.
Thankfully, John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev reached a peaceful outcome to the Cuban Missile Crisis, but
the Castro regime protested it and was unhappy with their Soviet
allies not launching their nuclear missiles.
"Here is the electrifying example
of a people prepared to suffer nuclear immolation so that its ashes may
serve as a foundation for new societies. When an agreement was reached
by which the atomic missiles were removed, without asking our people, we
were not relieved or thankful for the truce; instead we denounced the
move with our own voice."
In the same essay, the dead
Argentine served as a mouthpiece for Fidel Castro declaring: "We
do assert, however, that we must follow the road of liberation even
though it may cost millions of nuclear war victims." Castro and Che were so outraged that the regime reached out to Nazis to purchase arms and train the regime's security services.
Castro and Che were not alone in their criticism. Mao Zedong also criticized Khrushchev for backing down in the 1962 Cuban
Missile Crisis, and this was the last straw in a series of slights
between the two communist powers that set the stage for the Sino-Soviet split.
However Castro eventually backed off and returned to the Soviet camp whereas Che Guevara embraced the Maoists.
This should not have been a surprise.
Mao Zedong had already been in power in China for a decade when the Castro regime took power in Cuba in 1959. In September 1960 Havana diplomatically recognized the Peoples Republic of China. Between 1960 and 1964 the two communist dictatorships would collaborate closely together.
Mao's regime in 1958 embarked on the Great Leap Forward, a campaign to reorganize the Chinese populace to improve its agricultural and industrial production along communist ideological lines. The campaign was a disaster that led to mass famine and a death toll of at least 45 million.
In the midst of the famine Ernesto "Che" Guevara with a Cuban delegation visited Mainland China and met with
Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and other high ranking Chinese officials in
1960 to discuss conditions in Cuba and in Latin America, and the
prospects for communist revolution in the Western Hemisphere. As
millions starved in China the two revolutionaries dined through several
courses of traditional Chinese food.
Che and Mao dine in 1960 while millions starved in China.
Finally, on the question of race and sexuality the Argentine
revolutionary had retrograde views that some today continue
to ignore or excuse.
Unlike Mohandas Gandhi, who truly evolved in his views on race as a young man but is still attacked for them, Che Guevara seems to get a pass despite not showing an equivalent evolution. Politifact on April 17, 2013 quoted from The Motorcycle Diaries, a book based on diaries the Argentine kept while traveling through Latin America in the early 1950s.
"The blacks, those magnificent examples of the African race who have
maintained their racial purity thanks to their lack of an affinity with
bathing, have seen their territory invaded by a new kind of slave: the
Portuguese. And the two ancient races have now begun a hard life
together, fraught with bickering and squabbles. Discrimination and
poverty unite them in the daily fight for survival but their different
ways of approaching life separate them completely: The black is indolent
and a dreamer; spending his meager wage on frivolity or drink; the
European has a tradition of work and saving, which has pursued him as
far as this corner of America and drives him to advance himself, even
independently of his own individual aspirations."
"The Establishment" writing in the publication AfroPunk
cited the above quote but dismissed it as something Guevara wrote when
"he was around 24 years old." He then goes on to say that he " went so
far as to fight with an all black army," but failed to cite his critical
quotes against the Africans he fought alongside.
Politifact in 2013 quoted this comment from Guevara’s writing on his time fighting with black revolutionaries in the Congo that included this line: "Given the prevailing lack of discipline, it
would have been impossible to use Congolese machine-gunners to defend
the base from air attack: they did not know how to handle their weapons
and did not want to learn."
It wasn't the Congolese, but Che's
failure to train them that led to defeat. The other side that defeated
Guevara's forces were also Congolese, but he tried to pass off his own
incompetence with a racist excuse.
However in another area Mr. Guevara has even more to answer for. In the same diary he refers to homosexuality in a negative context:
"The
episode upset us a little because the poor man, apart from being
homosexual and a first-rate bore, had been very nice to us, giving us 10
soles each, bringing our total to 479 for me and 163 1/2 to Alberto."
Fidel Castro in a March 13, 1963 speech was clear in his distaste for the "effeminate" were he openly attacked “long-haired
layabouts, the children of bourgeois families,” roaming the streets
wearing “trousers that are too tight,” carrying guitars to look like
Elvis Presley, who took “their licentious behavior to the extreme” of
organizing “effeminate shows” in public places. The Cuban dictator, and Guevara's comrade, warned:
“They should not confuse the Revolution’s serenity and tranquility with
weaknesses in the Revolution. Our society cannot accept these
degenerates.” Two years later in 1965, Fidel Castro spoke explicitly about the Cuban Revolution's views on homosexuals:
“We
would never come to believe that a homosexual could embody the
conditions and requirements of conduct that would enable us to consider
him a true revolutionary, a true communist militant.” ... A deviation of
that nature clashes with the concept we have of what a militant
communist should be.”
In 1964 the Cuban revolutionaries began rounding up Gays
and sending them to Military Units to Aid Production or UMAPs (Unidades
Militares de Ayuda a la Producción). These forced labor camps were for
those suspected of or found guilty of "improper conduct." Persons with
effeminate mannerisms: what the Cuban government called "extravagant
behavior" were taken to these camps.
Ernesto
"Che" Guevara was in the revolutionary leadership in Castro's Cuba
throughout this process and did not leave Cuba until 1965.
Castro put him in charge of La Cabaña prison and in the first half of 1959 presided over the executions of hundreds of Cubans, reported Andres Vargas Llosa in 2005.
Che Guevara addressing the United Nations on
December 11, 1964 did not mince words: "We must say here something that
is a well-known truth and that we have always asserted before the whole
world: executions? Yes, we have executed people; we are executing
people and shall continue to execute people as long as it is necessary.
Guevara bragged of the executions being carried out in Cuba.
Between
1959 and 1964 the numbers of Cubans executed was in the thousands. This
is nothing to celebrate. However the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) disagrees with this
assessment and celebrated the above speech with an excerpt that ends
with "Fatherland or Death!" This is why I protested the United States rejoining UNESCO in 2003, and celebrated leaving it again in 2017.
#OTD in 1928 the mass murderer Ernesto Che Guevara was born. An innocent child who grew into a plague. Shamefully, institutions like @UNESCO, not only pay homage to this brutal, racist & homophobic mass killer. They also spread his toxic and murderous ideas. #BirthOfAMonsterpic.twitter.com/ELrwqBFJsJ
How it started, and how it was crushed, but what will be its final legacy?
Chinese students march under a banner of late Chinese reformer Hu Yaobang
When Chinese reformer Hu Yaobang died suddenly of a heart attack on April 15, 1989, students responded angrily, with the majority of them
assuming that his death was related to his forced resignation. On the
day of this reformer's sudden death, small, spontaneous gatherings to
mourn Hu began around Tiananmen Square's Monument to the People's
Heroes.
The death of Hu gave the motivation for students to
congregate in large numbers. Posters sprouted on university campuses
eulogizing him and demanding for Hu's legacy to be honored. Within a few
days, the majority of posters addressed bigger political themes such as
corruption, democracy, and press freedom, and the protests continued.
On April 27, 1989 soldiers try to stop students entering Tiananmen Square.
On April 26, 1989, the People's Dailypublished an editorial
aimed at scaring students into submission, but it had the opposite
effect, enraging them and rallying thousands more to demonstrate in Tiananmen Square. It was a strategic error of the first order committed by the Chinese Communist regime's highest echelons.
Imagine for a moment that for 51 days of demonstrations beginning on April 15, 1989
thousands of students gathered nonviolently to protest and demand
reforms. Protests had taken place before in China in 1986, but had not been
sustained. This time, in part due to the regime's demonizing of the
student demonstrators, the protests grew and did not dissolve.
At the height of the student movement in China, over one million people marched in the
streets of Beijing. This movement ended with the government's crackdown
and the Beijing massacre of June 4.
Below is the documentary, The Gate of Heavenly Peace,
that captures the days of protest leading up to the crackdown and the
massacre.
Nonviolent resisters should learn as much as they can about
this important movement. Finally, the
struggle for a free China continues to the present day and needs our solidarity.
It
is also important to challenge the official narrative that nothing
happened, or worse that it was a "vaccination." Thousands were killed,
and it was not just students, but also workers in solidarity with
student protesters.
At least 10,000 killed during the Tiananmen Square massacre.
Chinese Communist Defense Minister Wei Fenghe on June 2, 2019 at a regional forum defended the Tiananmen Square massacre claiming "[t]hat incident was a political turbulence and the central government
took measures to stop the turbulence, which is a correct policy."
The official newspaper, The Global Times, doubled down claiming that the mass killings and crackdown were "[a]s a vaccination for the Chinese society, the
Tiananmen incident will greatly increase China's immunity against any
major political turmoil in the future." The message is clear the Communist Chinese regime in China is willing to kill large numbers of Chinese to remain in power.
Bodies at Shuili hospital mortuary. All died from bullet wounds. Credit Jian Liu
A 2017 declassified British diplomatic cable revealed that
"at least 10,000 people were killed in the Chinese army's crackdown on
pro-democracy protesters in Beijing's Tiananmen Square in June 1989."
The Pro-Democracy Movement that had taken to the streets
in April of 1989 was violently crushed by the Chinese communist
dictatorship beginning on the evening of June 3, 1989.
Between June 3 and June 5, 1989 other tank drivers ran over protester
By dawn on June
4, 1989 scores of demonstrators had been shot and killed or run over and crushed by tanks of the so-called People's Liberation Army.
On June 5, 1989 in Beijing, following the massive and bloody crackdown
after six weeks of protests that began in Tiananmen Square and spread
across 400 cities in China, a man risked all to protest what had
taken place.
Wearing a white t-shirt, black trouser, and carrying
what appeared to be a shopping bag he walked out on the north edge of Tiananmen Square, along Chang'an Avenue and faced down a column of Type-59 tanks.
We must also remember the courage of the late Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo who saved the lives of many young
Chinese in Tiananmen Square in June of 1989 obtaining safe passage for
them and persuaded these students to leave before the massacre
unfolded. This courageous and nonviolent human rights defender was
jailed in 2008 and died on July 13, 2017.
Below is one of his last interviews prior to being unjustly imprisoned.