Sunday, May 2, 2021

Cuban Dissident Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara on Day 8 of a hunger and thirst strike: Some context informed by past actions and nonviolence theory

"I think they kill my child every time they deprive a person of their right to think." - José Martí

 

Artist and human rights defender Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara is on the eighth day of a hunger and thirst strike, and in increasingly poor health. He is engaged in a profound dialogue with a regime that for decades has refused to listen, to really listen, to Cuban citizens petitioning for and demanding change. This dialogue has been going on for at least three years. He has tried all types of protests, petitions, performance art pieces, and music videos in defense of freedom of expression, especially artistic expression.

In his third lecture in 2006 of his peace and conflict studies course "164A: Intro to Nonviolence" non-violence practitioner and academic at Berkeley University Michael Nagler explained that "it would not be appropriate for a person who had not tried in every way possible, first, to communicate with the person, then when they refused to listen to you, you move into various forms of civil disobedience. Or in other ways, you take on the suffering and the situation. And finally, when all that has failed – if all that has failed, then you move into something drastic like refusal to eat."

Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara since 2018 has been engaged in a dialogue with the Cuban government demanding that artistic freedom in Cuba be respected and expanded.  The dialogue was initiated when the Cuban government announced Decree 349, a dystopian law that further restricted artistic freedoms in the already existing state of repression that existed. 

In an interview with Amnesty International in 2019, Luis Manuel said: “I’m like the tip of the iceberg. We are talking about an endless number of artists in Cuba. [The authorities] come after me, because as I am supposedly the most visible of the youth, activists-artists, they send the message ‘Well, if we lock this one up, look what we can do to you lot.’”
 

Cuban artists against Decree 349 | Photo © Facebook / Luis Manuel Otero

In March 2020, the World Movement for Democracy condemned the violent arrest and detention of artist and civil society activist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara by Cuban authorities and joined organizations like PEN America and the San Isidro Movement in demanding his release. "He was arrested in Havana on March 1 as he was leaving his home to attend an independent anti-censorship demonstration organized by the local LGBTQ community. During the arrest a policewoman threw Otero Alcántara’s girlfriend, Claudia Genlui, to the floor and hit her for attempting to record the arrest on her cellphone," reported the World Movement.  Many feared that he would be subjected to a political show trial.

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and his girlfriend Claudia Genlui

Amnesty International on March 13, 2020 identified Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara a prisoner of conscience, "imprisoned solely because of his consciously held beliefs, and should be released immediately."

Eight months later in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and the San Isidro Movement were confronted with a new injustice. On November 9, 2020, their colleague Denis Solís González was arrested for recording and speaking critically of a police officer searching his home without a warrant. He was subjected to a summary trial on  November 11, 2020 and was sentenced to eight months in prison for “contempt” (desacato). Denis was taken to Valle Grande, a maximum-security prison just  outside Havana to serve out his prison sentence.

Denis Solís González jailed for protesting police harassment

 Luis Manuel, along with other artists and intellectuals began holding protests outside the police station, and were roughed up and their protests shut down. They moved the protests to the San Isidro Movement's headquarters, Luis Manuel's home and beginning on November 15, 2020 they were surrounded by police. They were protesting the travesty of justice carried out against Denis Solís González.

On November 18th when it became clear that officials would not allow anyone to deliver them food, and in the early morning hours of that day had used a chemical agent to poison their water supply that nine of them decided to go on hunger strike, and four of them took the additional step to also start a thirst strike. This was done to conserve food and water for those among them in a more vulnerable situation.

Luis Manuel was one of the four that initiated the hunger and thirst strike on November 18, 2020. Four days later around midnight, despite a cordon of state security and revolutionary national police surrounding the San Isidro Movement headquarters a Luis Manuel Alcantara was attacked with by an unidentified man who broke into the San Isidro Movement's headquarters on November 22, 2020. This was particularly suspicious because secret police had blocked neighbors, friends, and family members from reaching them for the previous four days.

Luis M. Alcantara attacked on November 22, 2020

On November 26 at 8:00pm regime officials shutoff their access to internet and to their phones and organized a rapid response brigade for an act of repudiation. Secret police dressed as doctors raided the San Isidro Movement headquarters and forcibly expelled and arrested everyone inside and beat them up.

Luis Manuel and the San Isidro Movement responded to each escalation of violence with a non-violent response that challenged the regime.  Restrictions on getting food, and regime contaminating the water supply with a chemical agent, the strongest started a hunger and thirst strike to conserve supplies for the weakest among them. 

State security raid San Isidro Movement in Havana on November 26th

Following an individual knocking down the door to the entrance with a hammer, they carried out their call for Cubans across the country to go to public parks and peacefully protest.  When they were dislodged and beaten on November 26th the following day hundreds of young people gathered outside of the Castro regime's Ministry of Culture and challenged the dictatorship. This led to the founding of the movement 27N, and a pledge by regime officials to dialogue in good faith that they immediately reneged on and began publicly demonizing protesters in the official media.

Hundreds of artists and intellectuals gather outside Ministry of Culture on Nov 27th

Level of surveillance and harassment against Luis Manuel and other members of the San Isidro Movement grew exponentially after the events of November 27, 2020. On December 15, 2020 Amnesty International released  a statement titled "Cuba: San Isidro movement and allies under frightening levels of surveillance," and raised the alarm of how they were being treated. “The disturbing level of restrictions to which activists and independent journalists are now being subjected is like something out of an Orwell novel set in Havana’s palm-lined streets. The police presence outside their homes, and constant threat of arrest, is so relentless that activists are essentially being imprisoned in their own homes,” said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International.

 In spite of the surveillance and harassment Maykel Osorbo, El Funky, and Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara were able to collaborate on a song and video with other artists that would place the Castro regime on the defensive.

Artists from the San Isidro Movement in the music video Patria y Vida.

Cuban artists both in the diaspora and on the island: Yotuel Romero, Gente de Zona, Descemer Bueno, Maykel Osorbo, El Funky, and Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, collaborated in the song and video Homeland and Life (Patria y Vida) that challenges the regime's propaganda narrative. On February 16, 2021 the video was premiered live with Yotuel Romero, Gente de Zona, Descemer Bueno on Youtube, and Maykel Osorbo briefly speaking live from Cuba before the secret police cut him off.

The Albert Einstein Institution, a center for research on nonviolence, would identify this as an "Act of commission", "that is, people may perform acts that they do not usually perform, are not expected by custom to perform, or are forbidden to perform." 

Above is the music video Patria y Vida (Homeland and Life) that is not only a non-violent creative act, but contains a message that rejects violence and death in favor of life, understanding and treating each other with humanity.

Luis Manuel  on the garrote demonstrating vulnerability of dissidents

Regime responded with escalating acts of random violence against San Isidro members. On April 16, 2021 over Facebook, Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, one of the leaders of the San Isidro Movement announced a performance to dramatize the vulnerability of dissidents on the island. Luis Manuel explained the dramatic protest he was undertaking.

"From today I will be for 8 h daily for 5 days, sitting in a Garrote, days when I remain besieged by the DSE (State Security), I call on the authorities to turn this lathe and execute me publicly. Today Cuban activists and opponents live more vulnerable than ever, every day we are more exposed, and that vulnerability is coming from a dictatorship that is 62 years old. That 62-year-old dictatorship that copies the most repressive models of many dictatorships and security and repression organs like Russia, and those of the world.

This work is the result of a series of videos where we denounce the arbitrary way in which activists and opponents in Cuba are accused. From Law 88 that can sentence you to up to 20 years in jail, coming with the black spring, to the charge of contempt, a crime for which Denis Solis is now in prison, and Luis Robles is also in prison for expressing himself .. The law against insulting patriotic symbols is another one of those laws that criminalize free speech, crimes made up by State security. This performance is based on the garrote technique of killing activists or criminals in dictatorships like Franco's and in the Spanish Colonies. It is a wake-up call to what this dictatorship is capable of doing. Imagine if Luis Robles was handed down a six years prison sentence for expressing himself with a sign, what can happen to an activist who actually succeeds in having millions of followers for Cuban Freedom?"

The political police arrived that same day and took him away then returned to seize and steal or destroy his artwork located there at his home and studio. It was captured on video by a neighbor. 

"Following his release, [Luis Manuel] had planned to protest the repeated persecution he and other independent artists have faced in recent months at the parliament building in Havana, but officials blocked his movements, reportedly throwing him in jail every time he attempted to leave his apartment. Authorities have reportedly cut off his internet access, and police have surrounded his apartment, preventing anyone from entering. On Sunday [April 25, 2021], Otero Alcántara announced his hunger and thirst strike, intended as an act of protest against the seizure of his works and the ongoing persecution of artists," reported PEN America on April 26, 2021. They are arbitrarily detaining activists, like rapper and poet AfrikReina for trying to visit him at his home.

'This is not a performance or a work of art, it is demanding rights' in a protest that is life threatening to Luis Manuel. Havana Times on April 28, 2021 also outlined the circumstances that led to the hunger and thirst strike, and listed the demands of the San Isidro Movement for it to end.

1- Lift the police cordon on Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara in force since November 2020, and get rid of the state of siege as a practice to stop the free movement of artists, journalists and activists.

2- Return the art works that were stolen from Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara and compensate him for any damages that they’ve incurred.

3- Respect for Cuban artists and them exercising their freedoms fully.

He and the San Isidro Movement have demonstrated that they know what they are doing with great courage and creativity.

Non-violence educator Michael Nagler in the second lecture of his 2006 course for Peace and Conflict Studies 164A: Intro to Nonviolence offered a great analysis of fasts and hunger strikes beginning at 46 minutes 38 seconds, and is highly recommended for a deeper understanding of  this radical and dangerous type of protest. In the video Nagler offers a word of caution: "Nonviolence is not a feel good operation its very scientific you have to know when to do what."

Nagler's Five rules for Fasting: Persuasion vs. Coercion 

  1. Have to be the right person for the job. Not to be used by just anybody.
  2. Right audience. (You should only fast against someone who cares about your well being.)
  3. Doable demand
  4. Last Resort
  5. Consistent with the rest of your life

In the third lecture of his peace and conflict studies course "164A: Intro to Nonviolence" Nagler describes fasting unto the death within nonviolence:

What you’re saying to a person - remember, we’re trying to make two distinctions here when we talk about fasting within satyagraha. One, it’s not a case of suicide. You’re not killing yourself, you are risking death. And what you’re doing is actually putting your life in the other person’s hands. 

So in a way, it’s an act of extreme intimacy. It’s an act of love, in the non-modern sense of the word. You’re actually putting your life in that person’s hands. You are not killing yourself, but you’re saying to the person, “Your behavior is so unacceptable that if you continue it, it’s going to kill me.” So this is simply an extreme case of taking on the suffering that’s in the situation. We’re going to get back to that principle at some point. I’m sure it will come up very soon. The other distinction we need to make is this is different from a threat because what you’re saying to the person is, “I am going to exhibit to you, I’m going to mirror back to you the ultimate consequences of what you’re doing.” 

So you’re not saying, “If you don’t do what I want, I’m going to die and then you’ll be sorry.” It’s not quite like that. It’s like this is an act of truth. You’re killing us. You’re killing us. You’re killing our people and I’m going to show you that you’re doing to wake up your conscious. And once you realize what you’re doing, you’ll make your choice whether to continue doing it or not. So that’s why you have to be carrying on this conversation. And incidentally, nonviolent actions can be thought of as conversation on a nonverbal level with someone who’s not listening to you verbally anymore.

There are no guarantees in nonviolent resistance, as there are not in violent resistance, but in studying the terrain and observing the strategy and tactics carried out one can gain an idea of what the likelihood is of success. 

There is a danger in a hunger strike of a yogic death. This is when the protester has been engaging in meditation and withdrawing consciousness from the body that eventually leads to a loss of the fear of death. These actions are not for the timid, but for the brave, especially when confronting the dictatorship in Cuba. They are extreme, but the situation on the island is extreme and literally a "do or die" situation.

Michael N. Nagler's book, "The Nonviolence Handbook: A Guide for Practical Action" has a passage that should be a familiar description to pro-democracy activists with regards to the struggles now taking place in Cuba:

"Conflicts escalate when they are not resolved, and if they are left untended they can rapidly get out of control." From the nonviolence point of view, the intensity of a conflict is not necessarily a question of how many guns or how many people are involved (the same metric would work for a quarrel between lovers as between nations); it is primarily about how far dehumanization has proceeded. If someone no longer listens to you, is calling you names or is labeling you, it’s probably too late for petitions. In terms of knowing how to respond, we can conveniently think of this escalation in three stages that call for distinct sets of responses. Let’s call these three stages Conflict Resolution, Satyagraha (active nonviolent resistance), and—hopefully this is rare, but it helps to know it exists—Ultimate Sacrifice (see Figure)."
In Cuba the regime in power call opponents: worms, mercenaries, and fascists. The Cuban government does not only not recognize the opposition, but it is also illegal under the constitution along with independent media, human rights organizations, and civil society in practice. It is a totalitarian dictatorship with few non-formal spaces for dissent.

Saturday, May 1, 2021

Messages from Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara on Day 7 of his hunger and thirst strike

 "I think they kill my child every time they deprive a person of their right to think." - José Martí

 

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara has been on a hunger and thirst strike since Sunday, April 25, 2021. He is demanding that Castro regime officials:  

1- Lift the police cordon on Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara in force since November 2020, and get rid of the state of siege as a practice to stop the free movement of artists, journalists and activists.  

2- Return the art works that were stolen from Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara and compensate him for any damages that they’ve incurred. 

3- Respect for Cuban artists and them exercising their freedoms fully.

The dictatorship has responded with repression and more repression. Below are messages that he was able to relay via SMS, and through friends out of the island, despite efforts of the regime to silence him.

 


"Me duele todo, apenas puedo bajar ya, el mareo no me deja, estoy guardando las fuerzas para durar mas días."

"Everything hurts, I can barely go down now, the dizziness does not leave me, I am saving my strength to last more days."


Tienes internet?

Have internet?

Si tienes postea esto plis

If you do please post this

“Si el régimen cubano me deja morir, fue su intransigencia absurda la que me mató. Gracias a todos los que hicieron todo lo posible para salvarme. Yo lucharé hasta el último suspiro por mi arte libre, si mi cuerpo llega a morir, espero sea la continuidad a la chispa por la libertad de Cuba, los amo y amare por siempre.”

“If the Cuban regime lets me die, it was their absurd intransigence that killed me. Thanks to everyone who did everything possible to save me. I will fight until the last breath for my free art, if my body dies, I hope it will continue the spark for the freedom of Cuba, I love you and I will love you forever ”.  

 

Join the #EternalFlame campaign  and learn more on the nonviolence of the movement.

Friday, April 30, 2021

Join campaign with hashtag #TheEternalFlame to support Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, the San Isidro Movement and free expression in Cuba

#TheEternalFlame #LaLlamaEterna.

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara has been on a hunger and thirst strike since Sunday, April 25, 2021. He is demanding that Castro regime officials:  

1- Lift the police cordon on Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara in force since November 2020, and get rid of the state of siege as a practice to stop the free movement of artists, journalists and activists.  

2- Return the art works that were stolen from Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara and compensate him for any damages that they’ve incurred. 

3- Respect for Cuban artists and them exercising their freedoms fully.

The dictatorship has responded with repression and more repression. Amnesty International has collaborated with artist Erik Ravelo and released the following.

Amnesty International, April 29, 2021

 Cuba: Amnesty International and artist Erik Ravelo launch ‘The Eternal Flame’, a digital conceptual memorial in support of San Isidro Movement and freedom of expression

Image from the video "The Eternal Flame" created by Erik Ravelo

April 29, 2021

In response to a recent wave of detentions and harassment of members of Cuba’s San Isidro Movement – composed of artists, academics, and alternative thinkers – Amnesty International calls on artists and human rights defenders and activists across the world to join the campaign “The Eternal Flame”, in solidarity with the Movement and independent artists in the country.

“The members of the San Isidro Movement are human rights defenders who stand to protect a very basic freedom, the right to peacefully express their minds and souls. The Cuban government is clearly not ashamed of constantly harassing, detaining and surveilling them before the eyes of the international community, but they are not alone and won’t be silenced. We will continue to mobilize people around the world, including artists, to support them and to denounce these human rights violations and the inhumane and cruel treatment by Cuban authorities”, said Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International.

In late January 2021, members of the San Isidro Movement and other human rights defenders and journalists, including artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, continued to be detained or harassed by authorities. Cuba’s Minister of Culture, Alpidio Alonso Grau, reportedly assaulted people who gathered in front of the Ministry’s offices to read poetry and peacefully protest attacks on artists in recent months, in another example of the Cuban government’s long-standing assault on freedom of expression.

The January demonstrations followed a protest rarely seen in Cuba on 27 November 2020, during which hundreds of artists gathered outside the Ministry of Culture to demand dialogue with Cuban authorities on the issue of artistic freedom.

In weeks following the November protest, Amnesty International gathered evidence confirming that members of the Movement and their allies were under frightening levels of surveillance and faced arrest by police and state security officials if they left their houses, which could have amounted to house arrest under international human rights law.

During March and April of 2021, over 30 activists were reportedly under similar surveillance levels. Additionally, authorities reportedly took and destroyed some of Luis Manuel Otero’s artwork. Luis Manuel Otero has been on hunger strike for over 48 hours, in protest against these abuses and restrictions on freedom of expression.

Erik Ravelo, author of this conceptual video, is a renowned Cuban artist known as the creative mind behind Benetton’s “Unhate” campaign, which featured controversial images of world leaders kissing and earned him the Grand Prix at Cannes in 2012. For The Eternal Flame, he was inspired and supported by fellow Cuban artists and their bravery to resist against illegitimate restrictions imposed by the Cuban government on their freedom of expression.

“This project represents the flame of freedom: a flame that never goes out, a contemporary action that never ends and that is kept alive by our solidarity with artists defending freedom of expression. Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and as artists, nobody should tell us what is okay to do or say through our art. This is why I, and other artists in the video, burn our tools, to draw parallels with what the Cuban government is doing against Cuban artists. It’s time to stop this repression and respect creative freedom,” said Erik Ravelo.

By launching “The Eternal Flame”, Amnesty International and Erik Ravelo invite artists and activists to express their solidarity with the San Isidro Movement and other human rights defenders and artists, urging Cuba’s government to stop repressing them and, instead, take overdue steps to engage in genuine dialogue to protect freedom of expression. People can show their support on social media, using the hashtags #TheEternalFlame #LaLlamaEterna.

Monday, April 26, 2021

The Padilla Affair 50 years later: How a political show trial boomeranged against the Castro regime on April 27, 1971

"The pen is mightier than the sword." - Edward Bulwer-Lytton (1839)

Heberto Padilla's identification permit

The Castro regime has copied many aspects of the Soviet experiment, but on more than one occasion failed to get the desired effect. On April 27, 2021 the world will mark the 50th anniversary of the Padilla Affair. This was a show trial where a poet confessed his counter-revolutionary tendencies, in a 4,000 word confession, but it did not have the effect Havana desired it boomeranged on the communists

Oxford Languages defines a show trial as "a judicial trial held in public with the intention of influencing or satisfying public opinion, rather than of ensuring justice." 

Final page of Padilla's confession

Vladimir Lenin called them "model trials", but they would eventually become known as show trials under Josef Stalin with hundreds of thousands executed and millions sent to work camps in Siberia, and they would take place not only in the Soviet Union, but in the East Bloc, and as far away as Cuba. The Nazis also copied the practice, and so have other repressive regimes

This blog looked at the 1946 show trial of Milada Horakova, and the price she paid for not going along: "intentionally slow strangulation, which according to historians took 15 minutes." She was 48 years old." The urn with her ashes was never given to her family nor is it known what became of them Communists in Czechoslovakia hid her testimony for decades because it cast them in a negative light, and Milada as a heroic martyr.

Arthur Koestler dramatized how this machinery operates on the individual level with the show trial in the novel Darkness at Noon.  In the typical Stalinist show trial the accused pleads guilty to all the crimes he or she did not commit then is sentenced to some sort of draconian punishment and gives thanks to the regime for its generosity.

Heberto Padilla, a Cuban poet, who like many had been an enthusiastic supporter of Fidel Castro ousting Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista, became disillusioned when the Castro regime's dictatorial nature became clear, and reflected it in his writings.

In 1968, however, Cuban judges in the national poetry contest awarded their "Julian  del Casal" poetry prize to Padilla's collection, Fuera del Juego (Out of the Game), which contained critical lines such as:

"The poet! Kick him out!
He has no business here.
He doesn't play the game.
He never gets excited
Or speaks out clearly.
He never even sees the miracles ..."

The book was published but an addendum was added that criticized the work as counterrevolutionary, and Heberto Padilla was placed under house arrest. In March 1971 he was interrogated for a month and on April 27, 1971 forced to confess before the National Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (Unión Nacional de Escritores y Artistas de Cuba, UNEAC). The New York Times on May 26, 1971 described what had gone on and printed an excerpt of the confession in an editorial. Padilla's wife Belkis has also written about their arrest in March 1971 and the knock on the door, and the search of their home by the secret police.

Heberto Padilla with his wife Belkiz Cuza Malé in Cuba in 1973. Photo
 
This was a disaster for the Castro regime. Intellectuals of the caliber of Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir and Susan Sontag, who had defended the Cuban Revolution, organized to protest Padilla's mistreatment. Mexican poet and Nobel Laureate Octavio Paz and Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa, also broke with the dictatorship as did many others.

Half a century later on Tuesday, April 27, 2021, a choral reading of Heberto Padilla’s confession will be streamed via social media over 24 hours. Twenty Cuban intellectuals from the island and the diaspora, directed by Cuban American artist Coco Fusco, are participating in the project organized by the San Isidro International Movement and 27N.

 On April 27, in honor of the 50th anniversary of Cuban poet Heberto Padilla's legendary confession, 20 Cuban intellectuals will present a reading of the confession. Stay tuned! (In Spanish with English subtitles.) https://t.co/unIXTfBnPN@cocofusco1960 @27Ncuba @Mov_sanisidro pic.twitter.com/kK2fpKmo1H

Heberto Padilla would suffer ostracism, and harassment until 1979 when he went into exile, and continued his criticism of the Castro regime, and in 1984 appeared in the film "Improper Conduct" where his case was highlighted, and he discussed Raul's Castro visit to Bulgaria and saw that the streets were very clean, without anti-social elements, especially the homosexuals, and that they had been placed in camps. Raul Castro returned to Cuba and instituted the practice with his brother, Fidel's approval in the 1960s.

There had been and would be other show trials in Cuba, and some of the most notorious were the show trial of Huber Matos in 1959 , Ochoa Trial of 1989, and the Black Cuban Spring show trials of 2003, and each left their mark, but the Padilla Affair was the most explicit demonstration that under Castro thoughtcrime would be prosecuted. Read the excerpt of Padilla's confession below to understand why it outraged people of conscience.


The New York Times, May 26, 1971

‘Confessions’ of a Cuban Poet  

The Cuban poet Heberto Padilla was arrested in Cuba in March and released last month after “confessing” to wrong doing and wrong thinking. (His treatment prompted sixty European and American intellectuals to write to Premier Fidel Castro to express shame and anger.) The text of Mr. Padilla's “confession” was distributed in New York by the Cuban Mission to the United Nations with the explanation that the poet had “admitted to counterrevolutionary activities and asked for an opportunity to expose and discuss his conduct publicly.” This article is excerpted from the “confession”:

I have meditated profoundly before deciding to write this letter. I am not doing so through fear of the inevitable and just consequences of my contemptible, well‐known and demonstrated attitudes—demonstrated far beyond what I myself could ever have imagined possible. I am moved by a sincere desire to make amends, to compensate the Revolution for the harm I may have occasioned and to compensate myself spiritually. I may prevent others from losing themselves stupidly.

But, above all, I desperately want to be believed and my action not to be taken for cowardice, although I myself am overcome with shame at my own actions.

For many days I struggled with myself to make the decision to tell the truth. I did not even want my truth to be as it really was. I preferred my disguise, my appearances, my justifications, my evasions. I had become accustomed to living in a deceitful and subtle game. I did not dare to confess how ignoble, how unjust, how unworthy my position was: I really lacked courage to do so.

Under the disguise of the writer in revolt within a socialist society I hid opposition to the Revolution, behind the ostentations of the critical poet. who paraded his morbid irony, the only thing I really sought was to express my counterrevolutionary hostility. Among both Cubans and foreigners I accused the Revolution unjustly of the worst things. Among both Cubans and foreigners I discredited every one of the initiatives of the Revolution, striving to look like an intellectual who was an expert in problems I had no information neither knew anything about; and following this course I committed grave faults against the true intellectual's moral code, and what is worse, against the Revolution itself.

https://www.nytimes.com/1971/05/26/archives/confessions-of-a-cuban-poet.html

Thursday, April 22, 2021

ETA's terrorism led to hundreds of Spaniards dead, the price Francisco Franco and Spain paid for his friendship with Fidel Castro

"A scorpion wanted to cross a river, so he asked the frog to carry him. The frog refused because the scorpion would sting him. That would not be logical, explained the scorpion, because if he stung the frog they would both drown. So the frog agreed to carry the scorpion. Half way across, the frog felt a terrible pain - the scorpion had stung him. There is no logic in this, exclaimed the frog. I know, replied the scorpion, but I cannot help it - it is my nature." - Orson Welles, Confidential Report (1955)  

Fidel Castro and Francisco Franco were "friends".

The challenge of the Castro regime in the Spanish speaking world is often, and justifiably concentrated, in Latin America, and Spain is left out of the discussion of the communist dictatorship's attacks on democratic countries. This is a mistake.

The ties between Cuba and Spain stretch back to Christopher Columbus, and both Francisco Franco's father and Fidel and Raul Castro's father had been soldiers who fought in Cuba to preserve the Spanish empire in the island. Castros' father, Angel, according to a 2016 documentary, had a photo of Generalissimo Franco on his nightstand.

In 2016 Catalonia region, TV3 produced a documentary "Franco and Fidel: A Strange Friendship" that explored this relationship between the two dictators and is available online.

 

Che Guevara, and Cuban delegation attending a bull fight in Spain.

In the documentary it reveals how pro-Castro Cuban exiles were able to celebrate Fidel Castro's triumph in 1959 with a mass protest in Retiro Park in Spain. This was at a time when Spaniards could not do that. Latin American Herald Tribune reports on this and more regarding the TV3 production.

Also revealing are accounts by Castro revolutionaries who said that during their struggle against dictator Fulgencio Batista their lives were saved thanks to the help of the Spanish Embassy, as well as images of Ernesto "Che" Guevara walking in Madrid and attending a bullfight with members of Franco's secret police.

Following the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis when the US pushed for tight economic sanctions on the Castro regime, the rest of Latin America, France and the United Kingdom all went along with the Americans, but Franco's Spain continued trading with Havana.

On Franco's death in 1975, Fidel Castro decreed three days of mourning in Cuba, although he made sure that it went unnoticed by the press, it was an official decree signed by Cuban president Oswaldo Dorticós.

However, the so-called “special relationship” between Castro and Franco, was not so special on the Cuban side. 

Euskadi Ta Askatasuna ("Basque Homeland and Liberty"), according to the public radio program The World, "began in 1958 as an effort to preserve Basque language and culture. A decade later, it became a terrorist organization. Over the next few decades, its violent tactics claimed [over] 850 lives." What was a key factor in the transformation of this group? 

ETA terrorists plotting their next moves.

It was the Castro regime, not only its violent ideology, but a commitment to train, arm, and provide refuge to  the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) to carry out its war against the Franco regime.

In their 2017 book,  History of a challenge five decades of relentless struggle of the Civil Guard against ETA (Historia de un desafío: Cinco décadas de lucha sin cuartel de la Guardia Civil contra ETA), Manuel Sánchez and Manuela Simón reveal that, “In the spring of 1964, ETA militants received training in Cuba with lessons on kidnappings, subversion and sabotage. Thus began the ideological and terrorist training that would later be a constant in the history of the terrorist band.” 

ETA in 1973 killed Franco's right hand man in central Madrid.
 

A cursory look at a list of ETA terror attacks on Wikipedia shows one failed attack in 1961, followed by a string of successful and escalating attacks beginning in 1965.  

Cuba also provided a great networking opportunity for global terrorists at the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana from January 3 – 16, 1966. This was an effort to coordinate and support revolutionary and terrorist groups in Europe, the Americas, and Asia, hence the term "tri-continental."

ETA: 60 years of terrorism against Spain

Brian Michael Jenkins, Senior Adviser to the President of the RAND Corporation, wrote a chapter on the "The New Age of Terrorism"

"Many terrorists have seen their struggles as global. Marxist revolutionaries are an example. In the late twentieth century, for instance, Marxist leaders considered themselves beyond borders and united in revolution. In 1966, the Tri-Continental Conference in Havana was intended to bring together the world’s guerrilla movements. No coordinated revolutionary movement emerged, but some interesting alliances eventually evolved, such as that between the Japanese Red Army—rebels looking for a cause—and the PopularFront for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), which was both Palestinian and Marxist and cultivated foreign recruits and relation-ships. The brief coalescence of Europe’s left-wing terrorist groups led to concerns about ‘‘Euroterrorism,’’ and the Irish Republican Army(IRA) and Spain’s Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) exchanged technical know-how."

 According to distinguished fellow Dr. Steven J. Allen and Ana Almeida of the Capital Research Center, in their August 22, 2015 column "Cuba, implacable enemy of the Free World"the terrorist training of ETA by Havana continued into the 1970s.

"In the mid-1970s in Libya, Cuban instructors taught Spanish Basques from Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) guerrilla warfare techniques. Libyan dictator Qaddafi supported the Basque terrorist group and had sheltered around 150 Cuban guerrilla instructors in Libya by 1980."

The reward for Franco siding with the Castro regime in the 1960s, against the rest of Latin America, France and the United Kingdom and the United States, was the murder of hundreds of Spaniards by a terrorist group nurtured, trained, and protected by Havana and 60 years of violence.

Madrid-Barajas airport T-4 in 2006 killed 2 Ecuadorians.

This is a recurring pattern with governments that engage with the Castro dictatorship and seek to normalize it, without conditioning it to a change in behavior.