"The first victory we can claim is that our hearts are free of hatred. Hence we say to those who persecute us and who try to dominate us: ‘You are my brother. I do not hate you, but you are not going to dominate me by fear. I do not wish to impose my truth, nor do I wish you to impose yours on me. We are going to seek the truth together’. THIS IS THE LIBERATION WHICH WE ARE PROCLAIMING."
Oswaldo José Payá Sardiñas (2002)
What
if Fidel Castro had never been born and his 66-year tyranny had never
existed? Let us compare where Cuba was before 1959 to where it is now
and speculate on "what might have been."
The economy In 1959, in terms of per-capita GDP, Cuba was second to Chile and was
doing better than Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, and Panama. In
2015, Cuba lagged well behind the other four countries. It would be fair
to say that in economic terms, despite billions in Soviet and Venezuelan subsidies, the past six decades have been a disaster for Cuba.
"University of Hawaii historian R. J. Rummel,
who made a career out of studying what he termed “democide,” the
killing of people by their own government, reported in 1987 that
credible estimates of the Castro regime’s death toll ran from 35,000 to 141,000, with a median of 73,000."
Democracy restored in a post-Batista Cuba
Many
of the leaders of the July 26th movement, who did the heavy lifting in
the fighting in the field, and lobbying Washington DC to place an arms embargo
on Fulgencio Batista in the spring of 1958, authentically wanted a
democratic restoration in Cuba. As did the majority of the Cuban people.
This is why Fidel Castro lied systematically through the 1950s and into 1960 denying that he was a communist and claiming to respect civil liberties and democracy.
While Fidel Castro paid lip service to civil liberties, and locked up his compatriots,
who had complained that communists were infiltrating the revolution as
slanderers, he carried out the consolidation of power and formed a
communist totalitarian dictatorship.
If Fidel Castro had never been born, then Daniel Ortega and the Sandinistas would not have taken power in 1979. Without the assistance of the Cuban secret police to take over Nicaragua
again in 2007 and turn it into the dictatorship it is today with Cuban advisers and Nicaraguans fleeing the country.
Venezuela
If Fidel Castro was never born, then Hugo Chavez would not have had a mentor and the assistance of the Cuban secret police to take over Venezuela
and turn it into the dictatorship it is today with Nicolas Maduro and the humanitarian crisis threatening the region.
Human rights in Cuba
If Fidel Castro had never come into existence, then Cubans would not be going to prison for not sufficiently mourning the dictator's death in 2016, or worse yet providing a negative assessment of the regime he created. Thousands of men and women would not have spent decades in Cuban prisons for their political beliefs.
There are also great concerns about the Cuban educational system today. First the issue of a system of education being transformed by the Castro dictatorship into a system of indoctrination and
secondly following the collapse of Soviet subsidies the material
decline of the entire system along with shortages of teachers.
Without
Fidel Castro intervention Cuba was on track to having a first class
education system without sacrificing civil liberties. Now it has neither.
Healthcare
Castro regime officials decided early on in the COVID-19 pandemic that they wanted to “be the first country in the world to vaccinate their whole population with their own vaccines”
and were willing to let Cubans die while they developed their domestic
vaccines instead of importing them, including from their allies Russia
and China, in order to advance their “healthcare superpower” narrative.
According to official regime statistics, by August 2022 COVID had killed 8,529 of Cuba’s 11m people.
But The Economist model estimates that the true death toll was up to 62,000 Cubans. This is not the first time that Havana has under reported numbers killed in a disease outbreak.
The
Castro regime in the past failed to report Dengue (1997) and Cholera
(2012) outbreaks in Cuba that killed scores of Cubans. Jailing those who warned the world of the
threat. In 2017 the Cuban dictatorship failed to report thousands of Zika virus cases in 2017.
On November 29, 2018 The New York Times reported
that the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), a division of the
World Health Organization (WHO) "made about $75 million off the work of
up to 10,000 Cuban doctors who earned substandard wages in Brazil." A
group of these Cuban medical doctors are now suing PAHO for the organization's alleged role in human trafficking.
This may also raise new questions on the relationship between PAHO, Cuba and reporting not only on outbreaks but the healthcare statisticsthat present the regime in a positive light.
Without
Fidel Castro, Cuba would be another normal country that would be
reporting health statistics that were accurate because there would be
both an independent press and civil society to keep the government
honest. Both were destroyed by Fidel Castro and his dictatorship.
"Without memory, there is no culture. Without memory, there would be no civilization, no society, no future." - Elie Wiesel
Secret police in plain clothes firing live ammunition at protesters on August 5, 1994
31 years ago on August 5, 1994, a thousand Cubans marched through the streets of Havana chanting "Freedom!"and "Down With Castro!" They were met with
brutal repression, including regime agents dressed in plain clothes shooting live rounds at unarmed
demonstrators.
Cubans chant "Freedom" and "Down with Castro" on August 5, 1994 in Havana
Four years ago on July 11, 2021 it happened again, but this time it was not just in
Havana, but across the island with hundreds of thousands of Cubans
participating in over 50 cities and towns. The response of the
dictatorship was the same as 1994, but this time the images reached the
world almost immediately.
Cubans chant "Freedom" "Patria y Vida" and "Down with the dictatorship" on July 11, 2021.
In 2013 photographs taken during the 1994 protests by Karel Poort, a Dutch visitor, were made public and confirmed the anecdotal accounts of that day. Cuban dissident Regis Iglesias described how the dictatorship militarized the streets in an effort to terrorize the populace:
A convoy of trucks crammed with repressive special troops and a vehicle
with a 50 caliber machine gun on top patrolled up and down the long
street.
Little has been reported on this, but some of the images and sounds remain. This combined with testimony of those who were there provide a better idea of what took place.
What happened?
Five hundred of the Cubans had arrived at the Havana sea wall
(El Malecon) to board a launch that was rumored was going to be taken
to Miami. These people were not seeking to overthrow the dictatorship
but did want to live in freedom.
They were met by the Castro
dictatorship's secret police who told the crowd to
disperse.
Instead of diffusing the situation another 500 Cubans joined
in and they began to march along the Malecon chanting "Freedom!"and
"Down With Castro! After marching for a kilometer, a hundred Special Brigade members and plain clothes police confronted the protesters firing live rounds into the crowd.
Secret police aiming handgun at protesters on August 5, 1994
31 years later and the full details of what transpired remains mostly silenced despite the pictures of regime officials pointing their handguns
at the demonstrators combined with reports of the sounds of gun shots
and wounded protesters echoing down through the years in anecdotal
stories about that day.
Eyewitness account
Ignacio Martínez Montero
Ignacio Martínez Montero posted on la Voz del Morro a first hand account of what happened that day that is translated to English below:
Then came theyear94One hotAugustof thatyear's day,I'd arrived at mymother in laws home inCubaandChacónin the heart ofOld Havana,near theMalecón,for that reason alone, after visitingmymother in law, I sat, like many,on the wall ofthe bay,very close to wherestill today the famous Casablanca launch travels in and out. That year wasturbulent, constantly talking aboutboatsdiverted toMiami,andthe tugboat. Maybe that's whythe specialbrigade trucks arrived and attacked allof us who were sitting.
Our response tothis aggressionwasonly to clamorfor freedom. It has been saidthat we threwstones; but all thatis a lie, the truth was thatwe were tired ofso much aggressionandwithoutagreeing to we began towalk togetherscreaming,Enough, Down with the revolution... Andbefore reaching HotelDeauville,abattalion waited for us thatattackeduswith sticks andiron rods. It was they whomade the big mess.They broke my lefteyebrowand left me semi-lame.Yes, there wereassaults andthe aggressors had guns, but not among thecivilians.One oftheboyswhowentwith us,who was calledthe Moor,evenwhilehandcuffed, they shot himin thetorsoandit was amiracle that he did not die. Who do you thinkpaid forthat?No one.
They put us in a truckwhere theyreceived us with beatingsonlyto convince us to scream "Viva Fidel." They took us tothe police stationlocated atLand Malecon.Hours laterI was taken toCalixtoGarcía hospital. There theyattended to my foot and I treated the eyebrow wound; the medical certificate, never appeared.From thereweboardedanother busand were takentothe prison15/80, I could say"kidnapped" because nobody knew where we were. Somekids andnephews of my dad, who werewith us, were released immediately.A boycould not take itand ended uphanged.No one learned of this; butwe are manythe witnesses whoknowwhat reallyhappened thatAugust 5th 1994, the day of Maleconazo.
Thirty one years later and the Castro regime continues in power terrorizing,
beating, torturing and murdering nonviolent dissidents, and shooting young black men in the back, but some Progressive Americans want to apply Cuban style policing
in the United States, and claim that there is a lot we can learn from
them.
We invite all people of good will to remember some of the victims of the Cuban dictatorship.
Diubis Laurencio Tejeda was a 36-year-old singer who was shot in the back by the National Revolutionary Police (PNR) in Havana on July 12.
There are others, but they have not been officially recognized.
This is the case of Christian Díaz,
age 24, disappeared after joining the 11J protests. Relatives on July 12
reported him missing to the PNR in Cárdenas. Police told his father that
Christian was jailed in Matanzas. On Aug. 5, officials informed his
family he’d drowned in the sea and was buried in a mass grave. His
family is convinced he was beaten to death.
Hopefully, the events of July 11, 2021 and August 5, 1994 will wake up more to
the true nature of the Castro dictatorship, and the need to be in
solidarity with the Cuban people, not their oppressors.
July 26, 1953: Moncada Assault. May 10, 2002: MCL turns in Project Varela petitions
Today, the Castro regime, its fellow travelers and agents of
influence will continue the lie that something positive occurred on July
26, 1953. The only way that they can accomplish this exercise is by
rewriting and omitting history.
Here is some of what they won't tell you.
July 26, 1953 was a tragic day when Cubans killed Cubans in a failed attempt to overthrow Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista with an attack on the Moncada Barracks.
In the early morning hours of July 26, 1953 a group of Cubans led by Fidel Castro assaulted the Moncada barracks
in Santiago de Cuba. Approximately, 18 government officials were killed
and 28 wounded in the attack. 27 rebels were killed and 11 wounded. 51
of the surviving 99 rebels were placed on trial. Fidel Castro turned
himself in after seeking guarantees for his safety and was also put on
trial.
Aftermath of the July 26, 1953 assault on the Moncada Barracks
This attack turned Fidel Castro into a national figure. He would go on to name his movement, the July 26th Movement.
Between 1902 and 1952 with moments of glory
and shame the Cuban Republic transited through 17 democratically
elected presidents. One of them, Gerardo Machado elected in 1925,
despite constitutional prohibitions, he had the constitution modified
and ran for re-election in 1928. He became a despot, and was removed
from office by force in 1933. This led to a return to democracy.
Cuban presidents from 1902 to 1952, and dictator Batista 1952-1959.
Tragically, this democratic republic was brought to an end on
March 10, 1952 by Fulgencio Batista. Batista was a military man who had
entered the presidency in free and fair elections in 1940 ( in coalition
with the communist party) and left office in 1944. He returned to Cuba
under the presidency of Cuba's last democratically elected president, Carlos Prio
and within days of the next presidential elections, when Batista saw
that he could not win at the ballot box, carried out a successful coup
against the democratic order that had existed from 1902 - 1952.
Fidel
Castro during his trial on October 16, 1953 addressed the court in what
became known as the "“History Will Absolve Me” speech:
“Let
me tell you a story: Once upon a time there was a Republic. It had its
Constitution, its laws, its freedoms, a President, a Congress and Courts
of Law. Everyone could assemble, associate, speak and write with
complete freedom." …"Public opinion was respected and heeded and all
problems of common interest were freely discussed. There were political
parties, radio and television debates and forums of public meetings. The
whole nation pulsated with enthusiasm.”
The promise
made by the July 26th Movement was to restore the preexisting democratic
order along with reforms. The Castro brothers ended a seven year
authoritarian dictatorship, and replaced it with a communist
dictatorship that has ruled over Cuba for 66 years and counting.
The Castro dictatorship was not a break from Batista but a continuity into more profound tyranny that continues to kill Cubans.
Contrast
this with what Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas and the Christian Liberation
Movement (MCL) did. In the midst of a totalitarian dictatorship were all
media are controlled by the government along with economic life they
managed to lead a movement that persuaded more than 35,000 Cubans to
identify themselves, demand democratic reforms, and the restoration of
human rights knowing that the Varela Project petition
they were signing could lead to losing their jobs, having their
children denied access to higher education and in the worse case prison.
MCL delivers 11,020 Varela Project petitions to the National Assembly. (J Goitia/AP)
The images of the movement, unlike the Castro regime's are nonviolent
and inclusive and focus on liberation and reconciliation not violence
and killing. They do not seek to destroy or slander anyone but to free a
people.
Coordinators of the Varela Project
Oswaldo and his movement rejected hatred and violence. They never
killed anyone and offered a path to a nonviolent democratic transition.
Oswaldo's
nonviolent legacy has continued beyond him and is a positive tradition
for Cuba. His nonviolent struggle followed two of the basic principles outlined by nonviolence practitioner Michael
N. Nagler: "We are not against other people, only what they are doing.
Means are ends in the making; nothing good can finally result from
violence."
Oswaldo Payá receives the Sakharov Prize in Strasbourg, France in 2002
In December 2002, thanks to lobbying and pressure from Spain,
Oswaldo Payá was able to travel to Strasbourg, France to receive the
European Union's Sakharov Prize and address the chamber where he outlined the movement's position to an international audience.
The
first victory we can claim is that our hearts are free of hatred. Hence
we say to those who persecute us and who try to dominate us: “You are
my brother. I do not hate you, but you are not going to dominate me by
fear. I do not wish to impose my truth, nor do I wish you to impose
yours on me. We are going to seek the truth together.” This is the liberation which we are proclaiming.
Seventy
two years after the tragic events of July 26, 1953 the Castro regime
celebrates this shedding of blood between Cubans as "the victory of ideas,"
but in reality it was the triumph of brute violence and terror in the
short term by Batista's forces on that day and in 1959 by Castro's
forces.
In Cuba the government has turned it into a day of
drinking, parties, parades, speeches and the colors red and black
prominently displayed. This all occurs with prominent military displays
and propaganda images worshiping violent revolution.
There are two traditions battling for control in Cuba.
One
tradition, embodied by the Castro regime, based on violence and the
destruction of the other has dominated Cuba's political discourse for
over six and a half decades. It views dissent as treason and demands
unanimity; the only acceptable ideas are the dictatorship's.
These civic activists were courteous, and respected the dignity of all Cubans. Some were feminists who obtained the right of Cuban women to vote in the old Republic and went on to defend the rights of poor women to a decent education and better opportunities.
They
nonviolently resisted the imposition of Castro's totalitarian regime
and either went into exile, prison, were killed, or despite great odds
are still struggling for Cuban freedom on the streets of Cuba today.
Thirteen years after the July 22, 2012 murders
of Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, and Harold Cepero Escalante and it remains
clear that the future belongs to the nonviolent resistance. The
dictatorship may have killed two of its great nonviolent leaders, Laura Inés Pollán Toledo and Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, but in doing so exposed its own brutal nature and undermined itself.
What a post-Castro Cuba will look like can already be intimated.
Castroism will be relegated to a sad and cautionary chapter in Cuban history that it deserves to be.
May 10, 2002 will be a day of celebration in Cuba commemorating the day that the first 11,020 signatures of the Varela Project were presented to the National Assembly demanding human rights and democratic reforms.
July 11, 2021 will also be a day of celebration for the day that tens of thousands of Cubans peacefully gathered across the island demanding freedom and an end to dictatorship.
International Human Rights Day will once again become a day to celebrate and observe human rights in Cuba and not a day of repression. The Cuban Republic's human rights tradition and the role it played in the drafting and passage of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December 10, 1948 will be restored and celebrated in Cuba.
We remember, continue to demand justice, and follow their courageous example.
The Cuban dictatorship imprisons, forcibly exiles, or kills those who
nonviolently advocate for human rights reforms within the existing constitutional
framework. The Castro dynasty has also engaged in and sponsored terrorism for 66 years, but before spreading terror around the world, the Castros took power in Cuba through a campaign of terrorism that included bombings, killings, kidnappings, and hijackings in the 1950s.
On July 22, 2012, Havana's secret police murdered Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas and Harold Cepero Escalante,
two heroes for democracy in the Americas. The Cuban dictatorship, and
its agents of influence have continued to attempt to cover up this
crime.
Oswaldo Payá was sixty years old when he was assassinated by Castro regime agents on this day 13 years ago.
Oswaldo was a family man and lay Catholic from Havana, an engineer who, in September 1988, founded the Christian Liberation
Movement with fellow Catholics in the El Cerro neighborhood, and over
the next 23 years would carry out important campaigns to support human
rights and a democratic transition in Cuba.
He
would speak out against human rights breaches and demand victims'
dignity, even if it meant denouncing the United States for mistreating
Al Qaeda prisoners at the Guantanamo Naval Base prison in 2002.
Despite this, Harold and other students were expelled from
the university for signing it and sharing it with others. The secret
police would organize a mob to "judge", scream at, insult, threaten and
expel the students who had signed the Varela Project. Following his expulsion on November 13, 2002, Harold wrote a letter warning that "those who steal the rights of others steal
from themselves. Those who remove and crush freedom are the true
slaves."
Expelled from university for
signing the Varela Project with fellow students. He enrolled in a
seminary and began studying for the priesthood before leaving to join
the Christian Liberation Movement, embracing a new vocation as a human
rights defender.
Why
did the Cuban dictatorship seek revenge on Oswaldo and Harold? The
Varela Project proved to the world that tens of thousands of Cubans were
dissatisfied with the status quo and wanted human rights and multiparty
democracy restored in Cuba.
This contradicts the official narrative.
On
May 10, 2002, Oswaldo, along with Regis Iglesias and Tony Diaz Sanchez
of the Christian Liberation Movement, turned in 11,020 Varela Project petitions, and news of the petition drive was reported worldwide.
Regis
Iglesias and Tony Diaz Sanchez were sentenced to long prison sentences
in March 2003 following show trials, along with 73 other Cuban
dissidents. Many of them had taken part in the Varela Project and,
nearly eight years later, were forced into exile as an alternative to
completing their prison sentences.
In spite of the crackdown, Oswaldo would turn in another 14,384 petition signatures with Freddy Martini on October 5, 2003.
He would spend the next eight years campaigning for the release of his
imprisoned compatriots and continuing campaigns to achieve a democratic
transition in Cuba.
Ten
years, two months and twelve days after turning in the first Varela
Project petitions while traveling with two international visitors in
Eastern Cuba on a Sunday afternoon on July 22, 2012, Oswaldo and Harold were killed. Cuban state security bumped into the car they were driving,
and when the vehicles stopped, with everyone still alive in the car,
they approached the driver, striking him in the temple with the butt of a
pistol. Within hours, the lifeless bodies of both men would appear.
Cuba
currently has around 1,158 identified political prisoners, with many more
imprisoned under the Orwellian statute known as "precrime." The
dictatorship will lock you up simply because you have the potential to
become a threat in the future.
Oswaldo Payá, when awarded the Sakharov prize for Freedom of Thought on December 17, 2002, spoke prophetically when he said:
"The cause of human rights is a single cause, just as the people of the
world are a single people." "The talk today is of globalization, but we
must state that unless there is global solidarity, not only human
rights but also the right to remain human will be jeopardized."
In the midst of the darkness, it is critical to recall the beams of
light that illuminate the path to freedom and the full enjoyment of
human rights in Cuba and around the world.
Oswaldo Payá, Harold Cepero, and others, both living and dead, laid the
framework for the nonviolent nature of the large nationwide protests
that began on July 11, 2021, which established a new before and after in
Cuban history.