Saturday, October 6, 2012

They Tried to Strip Me. I Resisted and Paid the Price.* by Yoani Sanchez

Text taken from Translating Cuba and photo from Yoani Sanchez's twitter account.

Missing tooth following struggle with regime agents

They wanted to keep me from attending the trial of Angel Carromero, the Spaniard who was driving when a car crash killed Oswaldo Paya and Harold Cepero. Around five in the afternoon a big operation on the outskirts of Bayamo stopped the car my husband, a friend, and I were driving in. “You want to disrupt the court,” a man dressed completely in olive-green told us, as he immediately proceeded to arrest us.

The operation had the scale of an arrest against a gang of drug traffickers, or the capture of a prolific serial murderer. But instead of such threatening people, there were just three individuals who wanted to participant as observers in a judicial process, looking on from within the courtroom. We had believed the newspaper Granma when it published that the trial was oral and public. But, you already know, Granma lies.

However, in arresting me, they were actually giving me the chance to experience, as a journalist, the other side of the story. To walk in the shoes of Angel Carromero, to experience how pressure is applied to a detainee. To know firsthand the intricacies of the Department of Investigations of the Ministry of the Interior.

The first were three uniformed women who surrounded me and took my cell phone. Up to that point the situation was confused, aggressive, but still had not crossed the line into violence. Then these same hefty ladies took me into a room to strip me.

But there is a portion of ourselves no one can rip from us. I don’t know, perhaps the last fig leaf to which we cling when we live under a system that knows everything about our lives. In a bad and contradictory verse it might read, “you can have my soul… my body, no.” So I resisted and paid the consequences.

After that moment of maximum tension came the turn of the “good cop.” Someone who comes to me saying they have the same last name as me — as if that’s good for anything — and they would like “to talk.” But the trap is so well known, has been so often repeated, that I don’t fall into it.

I immediately imagine Carromero subjected to the same tension of threat and “good humor”… it’s difficult to endure this for long. In my case, I remember having taken a breath after a long diatribe against the illegality of my arrest where I repeated one sentence for more than three hours: “I demand you let me make a phone call, it’s my right.” I needed the certainty the reiteration gave me. The chorus made me feel strong in front of people who had studied the diverse methods of softening human will at the Academy. An obsession was all I needed to confront them. And I became obsessed.

For a while it seemed my insistent nagging had been in vain, but after one in the morning I’m allowed to make the call. A few phrases to my father, through a line obviously tapped, and everything was said. I could then enter the next stage of my resistance. I called it “hibernation,” because when you name something you systematize it, believe it.

I refused to eat, to drink anything; I refused the medical exam of several doctors brought in to check on me. I refused to collaborate with my captors and I told them. I couldn’t get out of my mind the helplessness of Carromero over more than two months of dealing with these wolves alternating the role of sheep.

Much of the time all of my activity was filmed by a camera operated by a sweaty paparazzi. I don’t know if one day if they’ll put some of these shots on State television, but I organized my ideas and my voice so that they would not be able to broadcast anything that infringes on my convictions. Either they will keep the original audio with my demands, or have to make a hash of it with the voiceover of an announcer. I tried to make it as difficult as possible for them to edit the material later.

I only made one request in 30 hours of detention: I need to use the bathroom. I was prepared to take the battle to the end, but my bladder, no. Afterwards they took me to a dungeon-suite. I had spent hours in another with a rare combination of curtains and bars, terribly hot. So to come to a larger room, with a television and several chairs, opening onto a room with a tantalizing bed, was a low blow. Just looking at the pattern of the curtains, I had the presentment that it was the same place where they’d made the first recording that circulated Angel Carromero’s statement on the Internet.
This was not a room, it was a stage set. I knew it immediately. So I refused to lie down on the freshly made bed and put my head on the tempting pillow. I went to a chair in the corner and curled up. Two women in military uniforms watching me at all times. I was living another deja vu, the memory of the scene that transpired in the early days of Carromero’s detention.

I knew it and it was hard. A hardness not in the beating or in torture, but in the conviction that I could not trust anything that happened within these walls. The water might not be water, the bed looked more like a trap, and the solicitous doctor was more snitch than physician. The only thing I had left was to submerge myself into the depth of “me,” close the gates to the outside, and that’s what I did. The “hibernation” phase let to a self-induced lethargy. I didn’t utter another word.

By the time they told me I was “being transferred to Havana,” I could barely raise my eyelids and my tongue was practically hanging out of my mouth from the effects of prolonged thirst. However, I felt that I had won.

In a final gesture, one of my captors offered his hand to help me into the minibus where my husband was. “I do not accept the courtesy of repressors,” I fulminated. And once again I thought of the young Spaniard who saw his life turned upside down that July 22, who had to struggle among all these deceptions.

On arriving home I learned from the other detainees that Oswaldo Payá’s own family was not allowed to enter the courtroom. Also that the prosecutor asked for a seven-year sentence against Angel Carromero, and that the trial had been “concluded, awaiting sentencing” on Friday. Mine was just a stumble, the great drama continued to be the death of one man and the imprisonment of another.

*Translator’s note: Yoani lost a tooth. From El Pais

Castroite Show Trial in Bayamo, Cuba tries to cover up the real crime

show trial: n (Law) a trial conducted primarily to make a particular impression on the public or on other nations, esp one that demonstrates the power of the state over the individual. A trial (as of political opponents) in which the verdict is rigged and a public confession is often extracted. Ex: They were forced to confess their guilt in public show trials.

Police block courthouse, keeping the children of Oswaldo Paya from attending the trial of Angel Carromero, who is on trial for their father's death (AP Photo/Franklin Reyes)

Today, the children of Oswaldo Paya attempted to attend the trial of the young man accused of being responsible for their father's death according to the dictatorship's version of the events on July 22, 2012.  Rosa María Payá Acevedo tweeted at 11:08 am: "I'm with my brothers 100m from court, surrounded by 30 state security agents, they don't let us pass, we want to see Angel." More than two hours later she gave an update at 1:37pm:  "Tried for hours to reach Court gates where the trial of Carromero is being is conducted. State security stops us 90m from there." At 2:52pm Oswaldo's daughter still denied entry to the trial tweeted: "We don't believe in a trial made by the same ones who threatened my dad with death. But its our right to attend, we want to see Angel Carromero." At 10:37pm her final tweet of the evening on the matter: The circus is over for tonight, the authorities have taken a city and have only demonstrated all that they hide. Everything that they fear."
Angel Carromero enters the courtroom to attend his own show trial
 Another shameful chapter of history repeats itself in Cuba. A trial is underway in Cuba that falls far short of international standards of fairness which is systemic to the regime but it also appears in order to cover up two extra-judicial killings by the dictatorship. Spanish youth leader Angel Carromero has been in detention since July 22, 2012 and is now undergoing a trial Bayamo, Cuba in which he is accused of being responsible for the deaths of Oswaldo Paya and Harold Escalante in a car accident charged by the dictatorship with negligent homicide. A little over a week after he had been in detention he gave a public statement incriminating himself via video in a press conference organized by the Castro regime. Before the trial began Yoani Sanchez, her husband and journalist Reinaldo Escobar, and blogger Agustín Díaz were detained on their way to Bayamo to report on the trial and held for 30 hours.

Oswaldo Paya with his wife Ofelia Acevedo, his two sons and Rosa Maria

















Oswaldo Paya's family does not accept the official regime narrative and has repeatedly called for a transparent and independent, international investigation into the events that took place that day that took the lives of Oswaldo and Harold. They have an online petition requesting signatures in support of it.



Oswaldo Paya's widow, Ofelia Acevedo, explained in a lengthy statement on behalf of the Paya family why they refused to accept the regime's version of events on July 22, 2012 and the following excerpts are reproduced below:
"It is presented by the same organs of State Security of the government that have threatened to kill him multiple times through their agents over the years in which they have defamed, insulted, watched, discredited with television campaigns inside and outside of Cuba, the same ones that have placed microphones over our bed in telephone boxes, the same ones knowing that her mother had cancer, visited to cowardly intimidate her, and did not allow their children who live outside of Cuba to visit, which forbade my oldest son , a 24 year old student from visiting his aunt on holiday in Spain last year." 
...

"They are the same ones who on several occasions have loosened the nuts on the wheels of our car while parked and knowing that the whole family and even friends were traveling. Only last June 2 while he and I were traveling in our car (1964 VW station wagon), to my mother's house in La Lisa traveling on the road of El Cerro and having practically surpassed the intersection of Rancho Boyeros Avenue were impacted by an old American car in the rear right wheel of our vehicle with such force that rocked our car, my husband could not control it and after sliding with only two wheels on the left side turned on the opposite path being trapped inside and covered with broken windshield glass. Oswaldo was wounded in the left arm by the elbow and nothing happened to me."
...

Because I received the news from Madrid of the supposed car accident that my husband was traveling at three eighteen on the afternoon of Sunday, July 22 where they communicated with me, "carrying four people, only three in the hospital, we do not know about one. Two friends, one of them unconscious. They were hit and removed from the road. Do you know who the other two where? The whereabouts of one of them is unknown. "

Why was I not allowed to meet with the Swedish boy and still have not allowed me to meet with the Spaniard who were survivors of the event?
 The behavior of the dictatorship since July 22 in this matter should raise the suspicions of any fair minded observer. The trial now underway combined with the earlier "press conference"in which the Spaniard incriminated himself has the aroma of a 1930s Stalinist show trial, but then again it wouldn't be the first time one of those has been held in Castroite Cuba.  Speak truth to power by signing the petition demanding an international and independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding the July 22, 2012 deaths of Oswaldo Paya and Harold Cepero and expose the regime's web of lies.

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

Who Will Decide Venezuela’s Election?

The Election in Venezuela on October 7, 2012 is one that will impact the Americas but the world. It is for this reason that the Shared Concern Initiative finds voices from around the world following events in that country.

The following analysis was published on Forum 2000 on the September 27th. To read from the original publication, please click here.

Shared Concern Initiative’s Statement on the Presidential Election in Venezuela

The Shared Concern Initiative is releasing its new statement on Venezuela on the eve of the country’s presidential election. “Who Will Decide Venezuela’s Election?” is based on a fact-finding mission conducted by Forum 2000 representatives in Venezuela.
On October 7, 2012, Venezuelans will choose between incumbent President Hugo Chávez and opposition candidate Henrique Capriles.

Unlike previous elections, opinion polls give Hugo Chávez only a marginal lead over his opponent. Although this is a positive sign pointing to the existence of free political competition, serious concerns remain over the lack of media freedom in the country. Denying the opposition access to media risks altering the results of the October election.

“The lack of free media is especially alarming and does not bode well for the free and fair election. It is essential that the opposition can freely air its message and target prospective voters. The lesson has not been lost on the Chávez regime as it seeks to curtail further the opposition’s ability to reach out to voters.”

Concerns have also been voiced over the state of President Chávez’s health and his ability to fulfill a fourth term.

“Chávez’s health remains perhaps the biggest enigma of the upcoming election. There are conflicting reports regarding his state of health, with some presenting a grim prognosis. His sudden departure due to illness might cause a political vacuum, which could become conducive to a power grab of one form or another, such as a military coup. Strict adherence to constitutional provisions in any such eventuality is imperative.”

The Shared Concern Initiative advises the following to ensure a democratic election in October.

“In order to ensure a level playing field, the Venezuelan opposition should have equal access to media, and official attacks on media outlets must stop. On Election Day itself, the opposition should be able to place observers at any and all polling stations without fear for their safety. In addition, we appeal to the Venezuelan government to act in accordance with established practices and accept the presence of international election observers.”

The statement was signed by eight members of the Shared Concern Initiative: Frederik Willem de Klerk, André Glucksmann, Vartan Gregorian, Michael Novak, Yohei Sasakawa, Desmond Tutu, Richard von Weizsäcker, and Grigory Yavlinsky.

The statement has been released to selected world media and its full text will be available on our website from October 4, 2012. More information about the Initiative can be found here.

For a more detailed picture of contemporary Venezuelan politics, we encourage you to read our report “Venezuela on the Eve of Presidential Elections” which is available here. The report provides a well-informed analysis of the current political situation in Venezuela in the run-up to the October presidential election and its potential implications for the country and the international community. The report is based on a rich collection of information gathered during the fact-finding mission to Venezuela, as well as from a wide range of open sources available both in Spanish and English.

Last but not least, the 16th annual Forum 2000 Conference in Prague will host a special roundtable discussion on the outcome of the presidential election in Venezuela. The session will offer an insight into both the imminent political fallout as well as more long-term ramifications for Venezuela’s future. The conference takes place in Prague from October 21–23, 2012. More information about its program can be found here.

Tuesday, October 2, 2012

The Difference between passive aggressiveness and nonviolence

They say, 'means are, after all, means'. I would say, 'means are, after all, everything'. As the means so the end - Mohandas Gandhi

Non-violence requires great patience. - Mohandas Gandhi



A dear friend of mine after learning of my commitment to nonviolence as a method of resistance confuses (I hope ) the terms passive resistance and passive aggressiveness . October 2 is Mohandas Gandhi's birthday and it has been designated by the United Nations as the International Day of Nonviolence what better day than today to reflect on nonviolence contrasting it with passive aggressive behavior?

While on the surface the terms passive aggressive and passive resistance may appear similar.  The only characteristic that they share in common is stubbornness. Otherwise they are polar opposites.

Passive aggressiveness is a type of violence and is considered a personality disorder. Passive resistance better known as nonviolent resistance or civil disobedience is a rejection of violence both in action and in its Gandhian aspect in spirit. Mohandas Gandhi along with other Indians in South Africa coined the term Satyagraha which has as its root meaning "holding on to truth." Gandhi stopped using the term passive resistance because although nonviolent there was nothing passive about it.

Mohandas Gandhi's nonviolent resistance is also the antithesis of communism because it rejects class struggle as violent which is why during his life time Soviet writers dismissed him as a reactionary utopian. Presently many honor Mohandas Gandhi the icon but reject his cause as impractical.

Why this obsession with nonviolence, Gandhi and his followers? The short answer is that looking back over the past century and a half of Cuban history the way of violence and political intrigue has led Cuba into a cultural and spiritual death spiral that threatens to destroy the Cuban nation. Furthermore, recalling that the definition of insanity is repeating the same behavior over and over again while expecting a different result one should try something different.  The previous paragraph is a negative appraisal but there is also a positive one where nonviolent resistance has achieved concrete results that have benefited millions over the past century.

It is for that reason that nonviolent resistance and the path of Mohandas Gandhi makes sense. At the same time others over the decades following Gandhi's death in 1948 have carried on the struggle in defense of human dignity and freedom. It has been my good fortune to read their works briefly meet with two of them: the late Vaclav Havel and this past week with Aung San Suu Kyi. At the same time the truths that are told can be difficult to digest for what it says about ourselves and the societies we live in. For example Havel's observation in 1990 holds true today as freedoms slip away throughout the West: 
When I talk about the contaminated moral atmosphere, I am not talking just about the gentlemen who eat organic vegetables and do not look out of the plane windows. I am talking about all of us. We had all become used to the totalitarian system and accepted it as an unchangeable fact and thus helped to perpetuate it. In other words, we are all - though naturally to differing extents - responsible for the operation of the totalitarian machinery. None of us is just its victim. We are all also its co-creators.
The struggle for freedom is ongoing everywhere and when individuals cease to struggle and to be vigilant those freedoms are lost not only in places like Cuba but right here in the United Stats. The first step to confront the challenge is to live in truth by making an accounting of one's virtues and defects and work to free one self. The second is to speak the truth as one sees it while willingly suffering the consequences. It is to attack the root causes of the totalitarian rot and not contribute to it.
Vaclav Havel explained it in his 1984 essay Politics and Conscience:
It surely makes much more sense to operate in the sphere of causes than simply to respond to their effects. By then, as a rule, the only possible response is by equally immoral means. To follow that path means to continue spreading the evil of irresponsibility in the world, and so to produce precisely the poison on which totalitarianism feeds. I favor "anti-political politics," that is, politics not as the technology of power and manipulation, of cybernetic rule over humans or as the art of the utilitarian, but politics as one of the ways of seeking and achieving meaningful lives, of protecting them and serving them. I favor politics as practical morality, as service to the truth, as essentially human and humanly measured care for our fellow humans. It is, I presume, an approach which, in this world, is extremely impractical and difficult to apply in daily life. Still, I know no better alternative.

 This is an implicit rejection of Machiavellian power politics. This past week at the San Francisco Freedom Forum participants heard an explicit rejection of power politics from Aung San Suu Kyi who affirmed:
I do not believe that means can be separated from ends.The means that you use to achieve your ends will in the end color those very ends themselves. If we are to march along the road to freedom full of hatred and full of the instincts of violence what we find at the end of the road will not be freedom but another kind of prison. A prison that we have constructed for ourselves through our own feelings of hatred and violence.
 How would this anti-political politics manifest itself? The late Vaclav Havel in the above cited 1984 essay provided an answer, referencing his martyred mentor:
When Jan Patočka wrote about Charter 77, he used the term "solidarity of the shaken'. He was thinking of those who dared resist impersonal power and to confront it with the only thing at their disposal, their own humanity. Does not the perspective of a better future depend on something like an international community of the shaken which, ignoring state boundaries, political systems, and power blocs, standing outside the high game of traditional politics, aspiring to no titles and appointments, will seek to make a real political force out of a phenomenon so ridiculed by the technicians of power the phenomenon of human conscience?
Havel later demonstrated in action not only with the nonviolent Velvet Revolution of 1989, but with his Presidency and afterwards organizing gatherings of Forum 2000 and maintaining solidarity with dissident movements around the world until the end of his life.

Mohandas Gandhi, Vaclav Havel, Aung San Suu Kyi and thankfully many others serve as exemplars for nonviolent activists to learn from.  Nonviolent resistance is about first recognizing then resisting and overcoming the defects in ones own character while at the same time using moral and ethical means to achieve moral and ethical ends.