Showing posts with label Bill Clinton. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bill Clinton. Show all posts

Sunday, March 12, 2023

Twenty seven years ago the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act was signed into law

Twenty seven years ago, on March 12, 1996, President Bill Clinton signed into law the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, which codified sanctions on Cuba, in response to the February 24, 1996 Brothers to the Rescue shoot down.

The shoot down was a premeditated act of state terrorism carried out by agents of the Castro dictatorship in international airspace against two civilian aircraft.

The Wasp spy network, led by Gerardo Hernandez, provided information to Havana that contributed to the murders of Armando Alejandre Jr., Carlos Costa, Mario de la Peña and Pablo Morales on February 24, 1996 when their two planes were shot down by two air to air missiles fired by a MiG-29 on Fidel and Raul Castro's orders

Defense intelligence analyst Ana Belen Montes, who spied for Castro in the Pentagon, conducted an influence operation prior to and during the  February 24, 1996 Brothers to the Rescue shoot down. This influence operation sought to direct blame away from the Castro regime, and onto the victims, drew the attention of investigators, and led to her arrest in September 2001.


Wednesday, April 22, 2020

Elian Gonzalez was taken at gunpoint 20 years ago today and returned to Fidel Castro

We remember.



Twenty years ago Saturday, April 22nd in a pre-dawn raid Elian Gonzalez was taken at gun point from his family in Miami, and sent back to Cuba. His mother had died trying to bring her son to freedom, but the Clinton Administration returned the young boy to the Castro regime.

The Castro regime had the winning narrative, framing the argument as a boy being reunited with his father. The reality was far more complicated, but did not fit into newscasts that demonized the Cuban community in South Florida and clamored for the child's return.

Fidel Castro would often parade his trophy Elian Gonzalez in Cuba
I still remember liberal Cuban friends of mine in tears telling me that the only radio show they could listen to was Rush Limbaugh, because all the others were full of hateful and bigoted tirades against Cuban exiles and Cuban Americans.

When people wonder why Cuban-Americans continue to vote Republican in large numbers they only need to revisit history.

President Clinton did well with Cuban voters in 1992 and 1996, but his moves to normalize relations began early with the Castro regime.  We learned later that much had been going on behind the scenes in the early days of  the Clinton Administration.
 
According to Raul Castro in a December 2008 interview with Sean Penn under the Clinton Administration a new relationship was initiated between the Castro regime's military and the United States military : "We've had permanent contact with the US military, by secret agreement, since 1994." Not only contacts but joint military exercises. Again the source is Raul Castro:

"It is based on the premise that we would discuss issues only related to Guantánamo. On February 17, 1993, following a request by the United States to discuss issues related to buoy locators for ship navigations into the bay, was the first contact in the history of the revolution. Between March 4 and July 1, the Rafters Crisis took place. A military-to-military hot line was established, and on May 9, 1995, we agreed to monthly meetings with primaries from both governments. To this day, there have been 157 meetings, and there is a taped record of every meeting. The meetings are conducted on the third Friday of every month. We alternate locations between the American base at Guantánamo and in Cuban-held territory. We conduct joint emergency-response exercises. For example, we set a fire, and American helicopters bring water from the bay, in concert with Cuban helicopters.
On Clinton's watch the Castro regime shot down two civilian planes in international airspace in a premeditated and calculated conspiracy that allegedly included members of the Clinton Administration and the Cuban Wasp spy net work that would be broken up on September 12, 1998 when it was discovered that they had planned acts of sabotage and terrorism on American soil, including the murder of an alleged CIA agent living in Bal Harbour Florida. 

During the Clinton Administration a threat assessment was prepared by the Department of Defense that reported Cuba was no longer a threat to the national interests of the United States, but in 2001 it was discovered that the main author of the report, Ana Belen Montes, was a long time agent of  the Castro regime. 

Phyllis Schlafly
While the mainstream media was demonizing Cuban Americans during the Elian affair, in January 2000 conservative firebrand Phyllis Schlafly acknowledged Elian's mother's sacrifice for her son to live in freedom, understood where Cuban Americans were coming from, and made the case as follows:
The mother of six-year-old Elian Gonzalez sacrificed her life so that her son could grow up in America. Her dying wish, according to a Cuban man who survived for two days on an inner tube, was that Elian could reach the United States and freedom. A reporter for the socialist Madrid newspaper El Pais investigated and learned that Elian's father, Juan Miguel Gonzalez, had wanted Elian to go to America. Elian's relatives in Florida know very well that Elian is far better off in free America than in Communist Cuba where people are denied the everyday liberties we take for granted, including freedoms of speech, travel, and education.

One person, however, disagrees: Fidel Castro, whose apparatchiks no doubt "persuaded" Mr. Gonzalez to change his story. Elian's escape, like all defections, is an acute embarrassment to Castro. Communist suppression of the right to travel has long demonstrated the inhumanity of its system. The Berlin Wall, guarded by sharpshooters ordered to kill anyone who attempted to escape, symbolized the terror of Communism for an entire generation.

Flight that risks death constitutes the ultimate repudiation of Communist regimes and is often followed by vindictive attempts at retaliation by the humiliated dictator. KGB files newly opened to the West are full of examples.

[...]

Like all dictators, Castro is used to getting his way. He deliberately raised the political stakes of this controversy to the point where Elian Gonzalez is unlikely to have a normal life if he were returned to Cuba. The arguments about father's rights and family unity are phony when it comes to Elian's predicament. If U.S. authorities send Elian back to Cuba, it won't be to Elian's father; it will mean sending him back to be paraded around as a Castro trophy and raised, perhaps in a daycare center, to be a good Communist. The only persons the United States has forcibly returned to Cuba are criminals, and Elian surely is not a criminal. Does anyone believe that, if Elian's mother had died in the act of throwing her son over the Berlin Wall that we would have forcibly returned her boy to East Germany?

The mystery is why Clinton has sided with Castro. Perhaps his corporate friends are salivating over the potential for investments in tourism, gambling and other industries in Cuba where forty years of Communism have depressed the economy to the point where the ultimate luxury is a 1956 Chevrolet. Perhaps the Clinton Administration considers deporting Elian as necessary to appease Castro and facilitate open trade relations. Based on Clinton's policies toward Communist China, "follow the money" is usually a good explanation of his foreign policy.
Phyllis passed away in 2016,  and her life is now being caricatured and mischaracterized on FX and Hulu. Sadly, we Cuban-Americans can relate to such demonization, but the only defense is to lay out the facts and challenge the lies.

Vanessa Garcia in The Miami New Times has written an important article 20 years later and brought forth some inconvenient facts that explode the dominant narrative:
As the Elián story dragged on, those who were allowed inside his circle were able to glimpse that reality. One such person was the late Roman Catholic Sister Jeanne O'Laughlin, whom Reno appointed to mediate when Elián's two grandmothers were dispatched to the United States in January 2000 to argue on behalf of Juan Miguel that Elián should be sent back.
Reno was sure O'Laughlin would remain neutral, but she did not. "I expected to witness a meaningful visit. But I had no idea that what I saw would be so powerful that it would change my mind, persuading me that Elián should not be returned — at least for now — to his father in Cuba," O'Laughlin wrote in a February 2000 New York Times op-ed.
O'Laughlin believed the grandmothers were not acting out of their own "free will." She also discovered that one of them wanted to defect. "This talk of defecting got me to thinking; if one of the adults wanted out, perhaps it was not a good place for the child," she subsequently elaborated to the Miami Herald.
The Elián drama came to a head at 5:15 a.m. April 22, 2000, when, on Reno's orders, federal agents forcibly entered the house where the boy was living. The raid was code-named "Operation Reunion."

[...]

Castro, who had "summoned throngs into the streets to demand Elián's return" while Elián was on U.S. soil, even built a museum in the boy's hometown of Cárdenas, on the island's northern coast. (When Robinson traveled to Cárdenas to try to interview Elián's father, a police officer and a local party official stationed outside Juan Miguel's door politely turned him away.) By 2016, when he was 21 years old, Elián referred to Fidel as his "father."
Other facts have emerged in the intervening years as well. In 2002, an internal memo written by INS attorney Rebeca Sánchez-Roig came to light, revealing that some INS officials believed Elián's father had applied for an immigrant visa at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana through the annual lottery. The memo also pointed to suspicions that Juan Miguel was being "coerced by the Castro regime." A handwritten notation Sánchez-Roig added on a printout of the memo indicated that then-INS Commissioner Doris Meissner had ordered the memo destroyed the very next day and decreed that no further discussions related to the Elián case be put in writing.

Two years earlier, Juan Miguel's cousin María Isabel Martell, who had fled Cuba to the States, had told the Associated Press: "I know for a fact that Juan Miguel wanted to come to the United States. Juan Miguel told me, in front of his mother and his relatives, that sometime in the future he would come, even if he had to come in a tub."
Thus refocused, "Elián" is neither a custody case nor the saga of a child separated from his father. It's the chronicle of a political chess match, populated with the full complement of power brokers and pawns.
And Alan Diaz's photo is precisely the image the victorious Castro would have handpicked to capture the endgame.
Less than six months later Bill Clinton shook hands with Fidel Castro in September of 2000 and a month later signed the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act and opened cash and carry trade with the Castro dictatorship at the end of his Administration. 


Bill Clinton shook hands with Fidel Castro in 2000 and Raul Castro in 2015
Opposition in Congress led to that trade not being subsidized by U.S. taxpayers through government backed credits ensuring that business between the two countries would be cash and carry.

Elian Gonzalez with Gerardo Hernandez ( spy guilty of murder conspiracy pardoned by Obama)
This combined with the Elian episode cost Al Gore Cuban American support in 2000 and led to the loss of Florida in a tight race. President Clinton got 35 percent of the Cuban-American vote in Florida in 1996. In 2000, Gore drew less than 20 percent. Bush got 50,000 more Cuban American votes than the previous Republican presidential candidate. According to William Schneider writing in The Atlantic "that's a hundred times greater than Bush's certified margin of victory in Florida. " The taking of Elian Gonzalez on April 22, 2000 would change the course of American and world history. There would not have been a Florida recount or a Bush presidency  if not for what happened twenty years ago today.

Wednesday, March 8, 2017

Castro's Legacy and the Future of Cuba: What's past is prologue

"What's past is prologue" - William Shakespeare, The Tempest.

Murray Bessette of VOC, Rosa María Payá of Cuba Decide, John Suarez of CFC

The Dividing Line
It is an honor that this event today is hosted by The Eric Voegelin Institute and if you'll indulge me I'd like to begin by citing Russell Kirk who wrote the following in which he cited the great political scientist from Louisiana State University in Ten Conservative Principles:
"The great line of demarcation in modern politics, Eric Voegelin used to point out, is not a division between liberals on one side and totalitarians on the other. No, on one side of that line are all those men and women who fancy that the temporal order is the only order, and that material needs are their only needs, and that they may do as they like with the human patrimony. On the other side of that line are all those people who recognize an enduring moral order in the universe, a constant human nature, and high duties toward the order spiritual and the order temporal."
This division can be seen in Cuba between those who view human beings as a means to be used for material ends and those who in recognizing the intrinsic dignity of the person and the spiritual dimension to human existence understand that human beings are an end in and of themselves. Cuba endured three centuries of slavery under colonialism and has now been subjected to 58 years of communism and this is a tragic history, because on both counts a large number of Cubans were and are treated as something to be used and not as persons but the struggle for that to be changed continues.

In this spirit let me focus on two specific cases that offer a snapshot into the current Cuban reality:

Sirley Ávila León, age 56, a mother, and an ex-delegate of the Municipal People’s Assembly (Poder Popular) of Majibacoa, a relatively sparse area of Cuba did something highly unusual in Cuba that got her in trouble. She had represented her community not the dictatorship and been re-elected for three terms. She had gotten the government to establish an elementary school for the few students who lived there. Otherwise they would have had to travel nine kilometers daily to get to a school. At the same time transportation in Cuba is also a complicated affair to get around. When in 2012 the regime wanted the school shut down and Sirley began a protracted struggle to keep the school open she was confronted initially by the refusal of anyone to meet with her or the state controlled press to report on what was happening. She broke a taboo when she appealed to the international media and then had her district eliminated, in a maneuver by the regime to get her out of the position.

Cuban dissident Sirley Ávila León: Machete victim
Sirley Ávila León was gravely wounded in a machete attack on May 24, 2015 at 3:00pm by Osmany Carrión who had been "sent by state security thugs" and that she is sure that the aggression "was politically motivated." The attack was severe enough that she suffered deep cuts to her neck and knees, lost her left hand. Although Carrión was the principle assailant, his wife threw her into the mud after he cut off her hand compounding the injury with infection. It was a coordinated attack. Sirley had not recovered from her injuries, her life hanging in the balance but she was sent home in this critical state without the proper medication.

Doctors warned her that if she wanted to get proper treatment Sirley would have to leave Cuba. Thankfully the Miami Medical Team, a group of doctors, agreed to help her. She arrived in Miami on March 8, 2016 and for the next six months received medical treatment and physical rehabilitation. She regained the ability to walk limited distances and returned to Cuba on September 7, 2016. She found her home occupied and had to move in with her mom. She also learned that her assailant was free and vowing to finish the job he had started with the machete attack. A short time later a microphone and camera were placed on a post across from the mother's home to spy on her. By the end of October the threats against her life worsened and on November 1, 2016 she fled to the United States and requested asylum.

Eduardo Cardet Concepción: prisoner of conscience
Another case in which you can offer concrete help is that of a new Amnesty prisoner of conscience who faces a three year prison. Eduardo Cardet Concepción was born in Holguin, Cuba on October 25, 1968. He is a Cuban physician, politician, and national coordinator of the Christian Liberation Movement (MCL). He joined the MCL, one of the most important opposition groups in Cuba, then headed by Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas in the early 2000s.  Eduardo was an active participant in various MCL initiatives aimed at achieving a nonviolent transition in Cuba to democracy. He was a manager of the Varela Project, the Heredia Project, The Peoples Path and  One Cuban, One Vote. Cardet held various responsibilities within the organization and was a member of the movement's coordinating council.  Eduardo was appointed Vice-President of the Christian Democratic Organization of America (ODCA) on August 23, 2013.

Following the extrajudicial killing of Oswaldo Payá  and Harold Cepero on July 22, 2012, the Christian Liberation Movement restructured its leadership and Eduardo Cardet was appointed national coordinator of the movement in November of 2014.

Due to his opposition activity Eduardo Cardet has been arbitrarily detained on several occasions. The last time he was taken prisoner by the Cuban political police was on November 30, 2016, shortly after the death of Fidel Castro. The MCL has denounced that on that occasion he was also badly beaten by Castro's state security agents. The beatings continued following his arrest in the detention center. Eduardo was taken to prison on December 7, 2016, pending a trial with a fabricated charge by the Castro regime to end his work as national coordinator of the  Christian Liberation Movement.

Eduardo Cardet is married with two children, works as a family doctor at the health center in the town of Velasco in Holguín province, where he lives. He was subjected to a political show trial on Friday, March 3, 2017 and is said to be formally sentenced on March 20, 2017 to three years in prison based on the prosecution's request. There is still time to obtain his freedom by backing the ongoing Amnesty International Urgent Action on his behalf and sending letters and e-mails to the Castro regime calling for his freedom. Please use the hashtag #FreeCardet in your social media and share it with your friends.

Past is prologue: How did it happen?

Forty two years after the founding of the first communist regime in 1917, Fidel Castro and his guerillas, with the help of international communist networks, and a U.S. weapons embargo on Fulgencio Batista succeeded in establishing the first communist outpost in the Western Hemisphere in 1959.  The Cuban communists achieved this through a combination of deceit and terror.  Communist morality is entirely subordinate to the interests of acquiring power and the Castro regime lied throughout the 1950s claiming to Cubans and the world that their movement was to restore democracy in Cuba but instead installed a totalitarian communist regime. But to understand how this happened, and what will come after, one must take a deeper look into Cuba.

Cuba, seen from space with Florida (North), Mexico (West) and  Haiti (East)
 Cuba is much more than the Castro regime.

Geography and population are important considerations. Cuba is just 90 miles south of the United States with a population of approximately 11.39 million people. It is 780 miles long and has a land area of 40,369 square miles and is the largest island in the Caribbean and 17th-largest island in the world by land area.

History not only informs the present and the future but past actions lead to future ones. Therefore to glimpse the future of Cuba one should not only look at the wreckage of Cuban society that is the legacy of Castroism but also what came before it. Out of 525 years of history the Castro regimes 58 years constitute 11% which is a lot, but one must look at the other 89% to gain a better understanding of longer term trends.

An outpost of the Spanish Empire
Columbus’s second stop in the New World was on October 28, 1492 when he landed in Cuba. (The first place he landed on October 12 was the Bahamas). Cuba was a Spanish colony from Columbus’s landing in 1492 until 1898 when Spain lost Cuba in the Spanish-American War.

The indigenous tribes that existed in Cuba did not survive Spanish colonialism due mainly to small pox. Cuba's main crops throughout more than five centuries have been coffee, tobacco and sugar. In 1517 the King of Spain granted a contract for 4,000 African slaves to be introduced to Cuba, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico and Jamaica of which 300 were allocated to Cuba. Over 600,000 Africans would be taken from West Africa and brought to Cuba over 350 years. Slavery would continue in Cuba until 1886.

Fort of Saint Charles and the  Morro Castle (Havana, Cuba)
 Wars of independence
Cubans engaged in two protracted wars of independence. The first was the 10 Years War that took place between 1868 and 1878 and the second took place between 1895 and 1898 ending with U.S. intervention and a four year occupation that ended on May 20, 1902. The wars were a brutal affair with the Spaniards establishing concentration camps and relocating large numbers of Cubans, sympathetic to the rebels, who ended up dying from disease. Cuba's first president was a Cuban exile named Tomas Estrada de Palma.

Tomas Estrada de Palma, first president of Cuba 1902
Many important figures emerged in Cuba in the 19th century that still reverberate today in Cuba's national memory but for the sake of brevity will mention Father Felix Varela, Jose Marti, Antonio Maceo, and the Bacardi family.

Pope John Paul II during his 1998 visit to Cuba where he venerated Felix Varela, said of him that he is "considered by many to be the foundation stone of the Cuban national identity. He is, in his own person, the best synthesis one could find of Christian faith and Cuban culture." Antonio Maceo  was a Cuban general that played an important role in both wars of independence. Antonio Maceo was of a mixed racial background: part Spanish and part African and developed guerilla strategies and tactics that are still studied today. Jose Marti was a journalist, poet and revolutionary who organized and advocated for the 1895 war of independence and spent most of his adult life exiled in the United States in New York City. He died in one of the early skirmishes in the second war of independence.

The Bacardi family, began their rum business in Santiago de Cuba. Don Facundo Bacardí Massó founded Bacardi Limited on February 4, 1862. The family would also play an important role in civic life in Cuba, especially Santiago over the next century, and were constant opponents of dictatorship, political corruption and remained ardent Cuban nationalists over several generations.

Future first Cuban president Tomas Estrada de Palma on way to Havana
 Cuban Democracy
Cuba gained its independence on May 20, 1902 after centuries of Spanish colonial rule and four years of U.S. occupation following the Spanish American war. The beginning of the Cuban republic had an asterisk – The Platt Amendment: which allowed the United States to intervene in Cuban affairs if U.S. interests were threatened. This Amendment was gotten rid of in 1933 but left a bad taste in the mouth of Cuban nationalists.

Between 1902 and 1952 Cuba progressed socially and economically but faced challenges on the political front. For example in the late 1920s Gerardo Machado, the democratically elected president did not want to leave power becoming a dictator. He was driven from office and into exile in 1933 by a general strike. This was followed by a revolution led by university students and enlisted men in what became known as the sergeants revolt. This put Fulgencio Batista into the national spotlight and by 1934 he was the strong man behind the scenes even though democratic formalities were restored.

Fulgencio Batista
In 1940 all the political tendencies in Cuba met to draft what became known as the 1940 Constitution and a presidential election was held and Fulgencio Batista elected. He served out his term as president from 1940 to 1944. Due to a clause in the new Constitution he was unable to run for re-election. In the election of 1944 the opposition candidate, Ramon Grau San Martin, won and served a term as president from 1944-1948 and in the election of 1948, Batista’s political party again lost at the general elections and Carlos Prios Socarras was elected president.

Cuba's republic during this democratic period played an important role in the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations.

Cuba's last democratically elected presidents: Carlos Prío and Ramon Grau San Martin
The Coup
This democratic renaissance was brought to an end within days of the 1952 presidential elections, when on March 10, 1952 Fulgencio Batista organized a coup against Carlos Prio, the last democratically elected president in Cuba.

A little over a year later on July 26, 1953, Fidel Castro organized an armed assault on the Moncada Military barracks that was a military disaster but a public relations success. Although most of the men involved with Fidel Castro in the assault were killed, Castro became a national figure at his trial for the attack. At the trial he portrayed himself as a democrat that wanted to restore the previous democratic order and attacked the Batista dictatorship for its usurpation of the democratic order. Batista pardoned Castro in 1955 and the guerilla fled to Mexico, regrouped and returned to Cuba in 1956 and carried on the war against Batista in the Sierra Maestra. By early 1958 the United States had placed an arms embargo on the Batista regime.

Executed in Santiago de Cuba by the Castro regime in 1959
Totalitarian darkness takes hold in Cuba
Upon Batista’s departure from Cuba on December 31, 1958, Fidel Castro began his triumphal trek across Cuba to Havana where he began to consolidate power while continuing publicly to claim that he was a democrat but privately began to infiltrate his movement with communists, alienating many who had fought with him, and began to approach the mass media threatening them with violence if they reported anything critical. As the months passed all independent media were taken over. Mass televised executions imposed fear in the populace.

Ramiro Valdez oversaw the installation of the totalitarian communist apparatus in Cuba beginning in 1959. He is now probably doing the same thing in Venezuela.  It was on his watch that the East German Stasi trained Cuban State Security.

This is how totalitarianism took over Cuba and 58 years later remains entrenched there.

Half of Cuba's post colonial history, thus far, has been under the boot of totalitarian caudillos whose father, ironically, fought for the Spanish crown in the war of independence.

Fidel Castro eliminated later critics from official photographs
The Resistance
Between 1960 and 1966 there was an insurgency in the mountains of the Escambray that fought the Castro regime made up mostly of farmers and rebels that had fought the Batista Regime demanding a democratic restoration. The rebels turned against the Castro brothers when they saw them establishing a new dictatorship. The Castro dictatorship called it the "War against the Bandits." Tom Gjelten in his book Bacardi and the Long Fight for Freedom gives an account of what took place:
With the guidance of Soviet counterinsurgency experts, Castro sent thousands of army troops into the mountains to pursue the guerrillas. Captured Escambray insurgents were often executed on the spot, and in a move reminiscent of the Spanish army's "reconcentration" strategy during the independence war, Castro ordered the relocation of entire villages where the guerillas enjoyed mass support. The villagers were moved en masse to western Cuba, where they could be closely monitored. 
The guerrillas were eventually exterminated and the uprising was crushed by 1966. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in their April 7, 1967 special report on Cuba documented that on May 25, 1963 the Castro regime issued orders to the armed forces that any peasant seen out of their home after 8:00pm and before 5:00am be executed without a trial by an official of the army or the militia. They also provided numerous examples of young Cubans who were detained and summarily executed.

Raul Castro preparing prisoner for firing squad execution
For example the IACHR documented the October 24, 1964 armed invasion of the Uruguayan embassy in Cuba by forces of the Cuban government in order to machine gun to death four Cubans that had sought asylum there.

On the dawn of May 27, 1966, around six in the morning until sunset, about six in the afternoon they were, executing, by firing squad and with single shots (coup de grâce) in the fortress of La Cabaña in Havana, political prisoners, civilians and military. The firing squad was composed of three members of the militia and one officer. The severity of these events is even greater, when one adds that the executed were previously subjected to the procedure of blood extraction to replenish the Blood Bank. 166 Cuban civilians and military were executed and subjected to the medical procedures for drawing blood at a rate of an average of 7 pints per person. This blood was sold to Communist Vietnam at a rate of $ 50 per pint. Relatives to see their imprisoned loved ones also had to "donate" blood.

The IACHR also reported that on October 23, 1966 a group of young Cubans tried to flee Cuba swimming from the populated coast of Caimanera to the Guantanamo naval base. The "Frontier Batallion" of the Cuban government pursued them and shot them with automatic weapons killing three of the four of which two were identified:Pedro Baraña age 35 and Francisco Arcano Galano age 21. Their bodies were found floating in Guantánamo Bay. The same type of action was denounced in 1993 with the addition of grenades used against defenseless swimmers.


The full number of dead may never be known, but the killings continued afterwards and overall estimates range from 12,000 to 100,000 if one includes those who have died trying to cross the Florid Straits. The number of political prisoners in Cuba in the 1960s alone was estimated to be 60,000 and 100,000 political prisoners over the past half century.



Dr. Ricardo Bofill in Havana, Cuba in the 1980s
Human Rights and the Nonviolent Resistance
Out of the terror, extrajudicial killings and consolidation of totalitarian rule the seeds of a new resistance began to germinate within the Cuban prisons ending in the emergence of the Cuban Committee for Human Rights on January 28, 1976. Cuban author and academic Carlos Alberto Montaner described how this movement came into existence during a speech in 2009 in Madrid, Spain:
Finally, in 1976, half a dozen Cuban opposition actvists with leftist backgrounds were summoned by professor Ricardo Bofill [3] and founded in Havana the Cuban Committee for Human Rights, the first political organization in the nation's history to expressly renounce violence as a method of struggle. The group decided to abide by the rule of law to reclaim the rights quashed by the dictatorship. Meanwhile, in exile in Washington, about the same time, Mrs. Elena Mederos, former minister in the revolutionary government, and activist and political scientist Frank Calzón, founded Of Human Rights with the same objective: to defend, by nonviolent and legal means, persecuted individuals, dissidents and political prisoners in Cuba.
The struggle against communist regimes typically involves two phases. The first an armed uprising as was the case in Poland in 1944, in Hungary in 1956, and throughout most of Eastern Europe. The second phase is nonviolent and involves human rights activism, the emergence of alternative social institutions and independent civil society. In Poland it was the Solidarity movement, and in Czechoslovakia it was the Velvet Revolution and in Estonia it was the "Singing Revolution." Although the collapse of these regimes occurred quickly in the media cycle; the actual opposition dynamics took years and decades.

Oswaldo Payá, Antonio Díaz Sánchez, and Regis Iglesias deliver Varela Project

A nonviolent movement has also been underway in Cuba for decades. For example, the Christian Liberation Movement was founded in 1988 by lay Catholics at their local parish in Havana in the neighborhood of the Cerro. Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas was the chief spokesman of the movement and the chief strategist behind initiatives such as the Varela Project, the Heredia Project and the Peoples Path.

The Varela Project, named after a 19th Century Cuban priest, sought to reform the Cuban legal system working within its own laws via referendum. According to Article 88(g) of the Cuban Constitution Cubans can push through a legislative initiative via a petition with 10,000 signatures. In May of 2002 Oswaldo Payá along with Regis Iglesias Ramirez, Tony Diaz Sanchez and others turned in 11,020 signatures to the rubber stamp Cuban National Assembly.

The Cuban government's response was to organize its own mandatory petition drive to make the Cuban Constitution "unchangeable" and on March 18, 2003 it launched the Cuban Black Spring rounding up 100 activists and sentencing 75 of them to long prison terms of up to 28 years in prison. The dictatorship thought that this draconian response along with the execution of 3 young Afro-Cubans who had tried to hijack a ferry out of Cuba would shut down dissent.

Within days of the crackdown the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of the 75 activists formed the Ladies in White. Meeting on Sundays they would go to Mass at the Catholic Church and then march silently carrying white gladioli demanding that their loved ones be freed. They would also hold literary teas at the home of the chief spokeswoman of the movement, Laura Pollán, a former school teacher. Ten years later they are still marching, their loved ones now out of prison, they continue to walk demanding that all political prisoners be freed and the laws changed so that new ones not replace them.

The leaders of the nonviolent civic resistance movement have paid the ultimate price in their struggle for freedom. Laura Pollán after years of suffering beatings, a fracture, injections from government mobs, became ill and in the space of a week died on October 14, 2011. A Cuban dissident doctor who examined her treatment described it as "purposeful medical neglect."

Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas and the youth leader of his movement, Harold Cepero, died on July 22, 2012 following a car crash under suspicious circumstances. The Payá family has called for an international investigation into the deaths of both Oswaldo and Harold. Rosa María Payá, Oswaldo's daughter, continues her father's struggle today for a free Cuba as well as pursuing justice for her dad in the Cuba Decide campaign.

The Bacardi family, forced into exile by the Castro regime, has maintained the traditions of the Cuban Republic observing independence day on May 20th, carrying on the family business, continuing the fight for a free Cuba and battling the dictatorship in the courts over trademarks for their rum brands.

Fidel and Raul Castro at 2016 Communist Party Congress

U.S.-Cuba Policy
U.S. - Cuba policy over the past 58 years has had four approaches that began when the Eisenhower Administration quickly recognized the Castro regime in January of 1959, after having placed an arms embargo on the Batista dictatorship in March of 1958. Castro's seizing of U.S. businesses on the island and embrace of the Soviet Union led to a cooling of relations, the end of diplomatic relations and sanctions.  This was followed by attempts to overthrow the dictatorship with the Bay of Pigs invasion and Operation Mongoose that failed during the Kennedy Administration culminating in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and some speculate the assassination of President Kennedy in 1963.

This led to the adoption of a containment policy involving an economic embargo and diplomatic isolation that raised the cost on the Castro regime's efforts to subvert other governments in the Western Hemisphere that carried on until the Carter Administration in 1977 scrapped much of the Cuban embargo and began taking steps towards normal diplomatic relations.

Under Carter, Clinton and Obama attempts to normalize relations with the Castro regime led to a worsening human rights situation in Cuba, the regime projecting itself more into hemispheric affairs undermining governments and coinciding with the rise of other communist regimes: Nicaragua in 1979, Venezuela in 1999 and now Colombia teeters on the brink. Migration crises from Cuba that negatively impacted the United States also coincided with Carter, Clinton and Obama who pursued a neo-appeasement policy with Cuba. Economic sanctions have saved American taxpayers billions in payouts unlike their Canadian, Mexican, European and Japanese counterparts.

Ambassador Armando Valladares
The Reagan Administration in 1981 rolled back the Carter opening to Castro and pushed forward with Radio Marti in an effort to break the Castro regime's information monopoly. President Reagan appointed a former Cuban political prisoner Armando Valladares, Ambassador to the United Nations Human Rights Commission in 1987. The results were positive in the sense that for the only time in 58 years the International Committee of the Red Cross was able to visit Cuban political prisoners, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International were allowed into Cuba, and the UN Human Rights Commission was able to enter and author a report on the human rights situation on the island.

Lamentably, the international community led by the Obama Administration over the past eight years pursued policies that legitimized the Castro regime and have assisted in the regime's succession more than it has a democratic transition. Opposition leaders have been murdered and the dictatorship shored up with new loans and the refinancing of old debts. The Trump Administration has announced that it is conducting a review of U.S. - Cuba policy creating a moment of uncertainty. The Obama Administration's executive orders run afoul of current US law and must be repealed if the rule of law is to be respected.

Out of the three policies containment, especially under the Reagan Administration, served U.S. interests best to date with a combination of economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation when applied to limiting the Castro regime's threat in the region.

However, in Eastern Europe the Reagan Administration abandoned detente but did not return to containment preferring to pursue a policy of rollback that liberated tens of millions of people. The future of Cuba as always is in the hands of Cubans, and only time will tell how and when things will change for the better but international solidarity from the world's democracies can contribute to speeding up rather then delaying that process by legitimizing a 58 year old totalitarian regime.


 What of the future?
There are two competing agendas in Cuba. The Castro regime is trying to achieve a succession to continue Castroism under a new generation. Fidel Castro died on November 25, 2016 but the old tyrant had been a diminished actor for years with his brother General Raul Castro in charge since 2006 when the elder Castro became ill. Cuban dissidents and opposition activists are working towards a democratic transition and an end to totalitarian communist rule in Cuba. They seek to empower Cubans and restore their sovereignty.



Saturday, January 14, 2017

Setting the record straight on the Cuban Adjustment Act and "Wet Foot Dry Foot" policy

Shutting the door on Cuban refugees and opening it to their oppressors


Closing the door on the victims of communism in Cuba 
Over the past eight years the Obama Administration has been making major concessions to the Castro regime with little in return or worse responding to blackmail. At the same time the human rights situation in Cuba has worsened, trade between the two countries has collapsed and there is a massive exodus of over a 100,000 Cubans.  The latest episode in this ongoing process is the further gutting of the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act and the chief beneficiary will be the Castro regime sadly one of the potential big losers is South Florida.

Past is prologue
However it is important to review recent history to understand the full significance of what is taking place and how terrible it is for both US national security interests and that of free Cubans. The Obama Administration claims to have opened a "new chapter" on Cuba, but in reality it is a reboot of the worst aspects of the Carter and Clinton Administration's Cuba policies that prolonged the life of the Castro dictatorship while creating humanitarian tragedies during both their Presidencies with Mariel (1980) and the Rafter Crisis (1994 - 1995).  The Cuban Adjustment Act was in effect from 1966, to address a previous migration crisis but there was not a constant exodus of Cubans. Under the Nixon, Reagan and Bush 41 and Bush 43 presidencies there was not a single Cuban migration crisis. This leads to the question if it is not the Cuban Adjustment Act what other factor could explain the reason for these different migration waves? Under Carter, Clinton and Obama there were overarching efforts to normalize relations, even at the expense of US national interests. Two possibilities that are not mutually exclusive emerge: 1) Cubans believe that the free world will no longer be in solidarity with their desire to be free and in despair they flee. and 2) The Castro regime believes that it can use migration as a weapon to extract concessions from a White House that they perceive as weak and vulnerable.

With regards to the Cuban Adjustment Act one needs to look closely at the events during the Clinton Administration and how they set up the latest chapter of the gutting of the Cuban Adjustment Act by the Obama Administration on January 12, 2017.

How the Clinton Administration began to undermine the Cuban Adjustment Act in 1994 
The first effort to gut the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act  was initiated by President Bill Clinton who on August 19, 1994 stopped bringing Cuban refugees picked up on the high seas to the United States and took them to improvised camps on the U.S. Guantanamo Naval Base. This was followed on May 2, 1995 with a further break in past practice when his Attorney General Janet Reno announced: "Effective immediately, Cuban migrants intercepted at sea, attempting to enter the United States or who enter Guantanamo illegally will be taken to Cuba." Never before had U.S. ships returned Cuban refugees to communist Cuba.  

This re-interpretation of the Cuban Adjustment Act in 1995 was done without consulting Congress, without changing the law and was the result of joint agreements between the United States and the Castro regime made public in a joint statement supposedly "to regularize further their migration relationship." This is how the highly irregular Wet Foot Dry Foot policy came into effect gutting the original intent of the Cuban Adjustment Act.  Before this day, the U.S. Coast Guard would rescue fleeing Cuban refugees who entered U.S. territorial waters and bring them to the United States. With the Wet Foot Dry Foot the U.S. Coast Guard began to to return those same fleeing Cubans to their captors. Six day later on May 8, 1995 a flashpoint of anger over the repatriations of Cuban refugees emerged with hundreds of Cuban exile shutting down the Port of Miami in protest over the arriving cruise ship Majesty of the Seas who had handed over Cuban refugees to the Coast Guard for "repatriation." The demonstrations would continue for weeks paralyzing highways and main intersections across Dade County, but "Wet Foot Dry Foot" continued.

How the Lottery benefits the Castro regime
But that was not all. As they say the devil was in the details. The agreement with the Castro dictatorship opened up a lottery for Cuban nationals between 18 and 55 years of age in which according to a 2009 report authored by Ruth Ellen Wasem, a specialist in immigration policy at the Congressional Research Service titled "Cuban Migration to the United States: Policy and Trends" they must answer "yes" to "two of the following three questions. Have you completed secondary school or a higher level of education? Do you have at least three years of work experience? Do you have any relatives residing in the United States?" If they win the lottery they must have a medical examination and are "given parole status with a visa that is good for six months." According to the above mentioned report by the Congressional Research Service: "Over the years, there have been reports of barriers the potential Cuban parolees face, such as exorbitantly priced medical exams, exit visa fees, and repercussions for family members who remain in Cuba."  Not stated is that the Castro regime could turn this lottery into a reward mechanism for Cubans loyal to the Castro regime while blocking those who are politically persecuted by the regime. Up to 20,000 Cubans a year can be granted visas through this lottery that has been in place since 1995.


Visas for Cubans during the Obama Presidency
The Obama Administration has made a point that now Cubans with visas who arrive in the United States will be able to enter and benefit from the Cuban Adjustment Act. The next question raised is who is being granted visas to come to the United States? The answer is troubling with regards to Cuba. The Obama Administration during its first term (August 4, 2011) announced a ban on visas for people who the State Department finds have been involved in human rights violations. Nevertheless, Juan O. Tamayo reported in the The Miami Herald on November 18, 2012 that human rights violators from Cuba are not only getting visas but residency in the United States: 
"Former Cuban provincial prisons chief Crescencio Marino Rivero made headlines over the past month amid allegations that he abused some prisoners and ordered guards to abuse others before he moved to Miami two years ago. But uncounted hundreds of other Cubans with nasty pasts are also living here, including State Security officers, snitches and collaborators, judges, policemen and members of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the neighborhood watch groups."
The U.S. Embassy in Havana has denied visas to Cuban dissidents, such as poet Rafael Alcides, because since they are critical of the dictatorship they are viewed as a higher risk to stay in the United States than a loyal communist apparatchik. Therefore on one hand the victims of communism are less likely to find refuge in the United States while their oppressors get to retire in sunny Miami with great benefits. In 2013 Raul Castro's daughter, Mariela Castro, a regime apparatchik and ardent communist was granted a visa to the United States. This is not the Cuban Adjustment Act but the perversion of it by the Clinton and Obama Administrations that are well on their way to shutting the door on Cuban refugees but leaving it open to their oppressors.

Shutting the door on Cuban doctors who are victims of trafficking
An estimated 31,000 Cuban doctors are sent by the Castro regime on "international missions." Other Cubans, who are not doctors, have been sent abroad to work and provide hard currency for the Castro regime and are working in inhumane circumstances. Cuban doctors in Cuba make approximately $25 dollars a month in salary. In 2008 The Miami Herald reported that "more than 31,000 Cuban health workers -- most of them doctors -- who toil in 71 countries brought in $2.3 billion last year, ..., more than any other industry, including tourism. Most of them are paid $150 to $375 a month, a small percentage of the cash or trade benefits the Cuban government pockets in exchange for their work." To place it into perspective, North Koreans working abroad are making between $120 and $150.


Juan Alfonso, a Cuban doctor, now living and practicing medicine in Chile, was interviewed by the PanamPost on October 15, 2015 and explained why he had to flee his homeland, "I will tell you something: I would have liked to stay in Cuba. I left because I could barely afford to buy a single egg to eat a day." The New York Times is trying to spin that Cuban doctors are fleeing to the United States because of the Cuban Adjustment Act and a special immigration program. Perhaps they should talk to this Cuban doctor who can offer an alternative explanation:
 "I was told that during a meeting of the [Communist] Youth, an Olympic athlete stood up and said he thought doctors should work extra shifts for free. The whole world applauded, and the motion passed unanimously. There is no union to defend doctors in Cuba. Many of us would wake up around midnight from hunger pains, and no one ever gave us anything; maybe a slice of bread, at the most."
The Cuban Medical Professional Program was established on August 11, 2006 to provide Cubans healthcare professionals in a third country conscripted by the Castro regime the ability to enter the United States. 

How the Obama Administration continued to undermine the Cuban Adjustment Act in 2017
Once again, as President Clinton did in 1995, the Cuban Adjustment Act was altered by President Obama without consulting with Congress that passed the law, but in secret negotiations with Castro regime. The Joint Statement of the United States and Cuban governments, signed on January 12, 2017 with reference to migration not only further guts the Cuban Adjustment Act but ends the practice of granting refuge to Cuban healthcare professionals trafficked to third countries and exploited by the Castro regime.
"In this framework, the United States of America shall henceforth end the special parole policy for Cuban nationals who reach the territory of the United States (commonly referred to as the wet foot-dry foot policy), as well as the parole program for Cuban health care professionals in third countries. The United States shall henceforth apply to all Cuban nationals, consistent with its laws and international norms, the same migration procedures and standards that are applicable to nationals of other countries, as established in this Joint Statement."  
Now for the most part, only Cubans granted visas, will be able to apply for residency in the United States under the Cuban Adjustment Act. Unfortunately, based on the practices of the U.S. Embassy in Havana this means that many communist apparatchiks will be getting visas to the United States while the victims of the communist regime will find it more difficult to obtain visas the United States, much less apply for residency under the Cuban Adjustment Act. There is much cause to worry where this policy will lead but one thing is certain this has been underway for some time and already caused harm to this community and trends with this new policy will only make it worse.

This is both a shameful and harmful legacy.

The best way for friends of freedom in the incoming Administration to deal with it is to scrap both what the Clinton and Obama Administrations have  done to undermine the Cuban Adjustment Act, which is the law of the land and restore its original intent with a view towards looking out for both US national interests and the aspirations of Cubans seeking freedom while at the same time draining the swamp that has filled South Florida with human rights repressors, spies, and criminals working for the Castro regime. 

From the Archives:

The Miami Herald
Published: 05/08/95
Section: FRONT

Page: 1A

'WHERE ARE OUR BROTHERS?' EXILES VENT ANGER OVER REPATRIATIONS

JOHN LANTIGUA and ANDRES VIGLUCCI Herald Staff Writers


Hundreds of Cuban exiles turned Sunday into a day of protests, venting their wrath at the Clinton administration by blocking the road to the Port of Miami with trucks and sit-ins and scuffling briefly with police.


The demonstrations were a desperate gambit, a last-ditch effort to dissuade the government from plans to return to Cuba 13 rafters rescued by a cruise ship in the Caribbean.

"Where are our brothers?" demonstrators chanted, referring to the 13 rafters.

It was not clear if the cries of dismay were heard at the White House.

U.S. authorities remained tight-lipped about the rafters' fate. The Coast Guard, which took the rafters off the cruise ship Majesty of the Seas late Friday, said it was still awaiting instructions from Washington on where to take them.

There were many forms of protest Sunday.

Amid threats by exiles to use boats to shut off Government Cut, the only route in and out of Miami's port, the Coast Guard stepped up its presence in the channel, escorting departing cruise ships out to sea.
Some demonstrators had vowed to block the cut at 5:30 p.m. as the Majesty of the Seas headed back out on another weeklong cruise. But only two small motorboats flying Cuban flags waited at the mouth of the channel, and they never approached the massive ship. On the South Pointe pier, about 20 people waved flags and booed the passing liner.

A representative of the Archdiocese of Miami, the Rev. Francisco Santana, read a statement to reporters condemning the decision to repatriate Cubans. The statement was issued by Auxiliary Bishop Agustin Roman, long a champion of Cuban refugees and the archdiocese's highest-ranking Cuban exile priest.
And pilots for Brothers to the Rescue flew to within 20 miles of the coast of Cuba, trying but failing to locate the Coast Guard cutter carrying the rafters. The pilots had hoped to photograph the cutter if and when it turned over the 13 men to Cuban authorities.

The biggest and most visible action took place in the heart of downtown Miami, within sight of thousands of tourists.

Starting at 7 a.m., a crowd of as many as 500 people intermittently cut off access to the port -- where the Majesty of the Seas docked at dawn Sunday -- by blocking the road leading to it with vehicles and their own bodies. During the six-hour demonstration, they succeeded in shutting down the road several times for a total of about a half hour.

Dozens of Miami and Metro-Dade police officers were on the scene, and 10 people were detained. At least two were charged with failing to obey the directions of police officers and obstructing justice, but others were released without charges. Those arrested were later released without having to post bail.
Demonstrators collected money to help pay fines and towing charges.

At one point, demonstrators crashed through a metal barricade keeping them off the port road. There was brief struggle involving about 10 officers and 20 demonstrators. But in general there was little confrontation, and there were no injuries.

After the scuffle, demonstration leaders and Miami Police Assistant Chief Raul Martinez, a Cuban American, came to an agreement. The next two times the demonstrators blocked the street, the police allowed them through the barricades without resistance. On those two occasions, the demonstrators cleared the road voluntarily after about 10 minutes.

Miami Police Chief Donald H. Warshaw said his officers were getting ready for more demonstrations during the next several days if the rafters are returned to Cuba.

Leaders of Sunday's protest said they planned to meet today to plan further action.
A survey released by Spanish-language WLTV-Channel 23 showed the demonstrators' concerns were shared by many of Dade County's Hispanic adults. According to the three-day poll, two- thirds of them disagreed with the administration's decision to repatriate rafters.

But the poll also indicated Dade residents are sharply divided on the issue. Three-fourths of blacks and non-Hispanic whites support the new policy.

Under Clinton's toughened policy, negotiated in secret with the Cuban government, the 21,000 rafters held at the U.S. Navy Base at Guantanamo Bay will be granted entry into the United States, but all rafters picked up at sea will be repatriated.

Herald staff writers Elaine De Valle, Ana Menendez, David Hancock and Frances Robles contributed to this report.


JEFFERY A. SALTER / Herald Staff
CRIES OF DISMAY: Exiles angered over the new Cuba policy block a truck attempting to enter the Port of Miami, where the Majesty of the Seas docked Sunday. The demonstration lasted six hours.
JEFFERY A. SALTER / Herald Staff
© 1996 The Miami Herald.